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"The law that applies to maritime operations at sea is complex and comprises two distinct elements, treaty law 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, and the cases and incidents that occur at sea in both peacetime, and during armed conflict, which result in the creation of customary international law applicable to maritime operations at sea. Covering sovereignty and vessel status, jurisdiction and interdiction, freedom of navigation, maritime law enforcement and security, and the law of naval warfare, this edited collection brings together the most famous and influential cases and incidents at sea. Exploring the entire spectrum of maritime operations from high end warfighting to constabulary operations that are conducted by naval forces and maritime law enforcement agencies at sea to provide the factual circumstances of each case or incident. Offering sophisticated analysis and insights into the case or incidents enduring importance, and their significance for the development of the law applicable to maritime operations. Offering a detailed account and evaluation of the most critical but rarely understood cases in Maritime Operations Law, which encourages comparison between key cases, this book will be an essential reference for practitioners, scholars, teachers, and students of maritime operations law"--

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American ambivalence toward international institutions is nothing new. In his farewell address, George Washington famously warned against foreign entanglements. After World War I, the U.S. Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles, leaving the United States outside the formal post-war order it helped establish and neutering the new League of Nations. Throughout the late twentieth century, the United States refused to ratify multilateral agreements ranging from the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, to a host of human rights agreements. Nor did the dawn of the twenty-first century change the United States' attitude. In 2001, President George W. Bush began his administration by "unsigning" the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and the Kyoto Protocol on the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. These agreements run the gamut from treaties on peace and security to the environment, and from human rights to the law of the sea. But one area -—international trade-— has fared better than others in insulating itself from the United States' hesitation toward international institutions. Even while he warned against foreign entanglements, Washington also counseled his successors to "establish[,] with powers so disposed, . . . conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit . . . ." This embrace of commerce and the international institutions that support it has been relatively consistent throughout American history. Even in the face of significant domestic political resistance to new trade agreements, such as opposition to NAFTA in the early 1990's and the Seattle riots at the WTO Ministerial in 1998, key government institutions have by and large supported international trade institutions, even when they have been leery of other institutions. No longer. The 2016 presidential election sent Donald Trump to the White House on a platform of renegotiating trade agreements that he argued had poorly served ...

Focusing on a range of regional cases, the book evaluates the respective weight of national interest and internationalist (solidarity) considerations. Ultimately, while classical national interest considerations remain to this day a powerful motivation for power projection, the book shows how an enlightened conception of national interest can encompass solidarity concerns, and how such a balancing of the imperatives of both national interest and solidarity is the major challenge facing decision-makers.--Publisher's description.