Suchergebnisse

"The European Union is today a major player in many policy areas, going from classic economic fields as competition policy, agriculture and fisheries policy to new emergent fields as environmental policy, arterial intelligence policy, security and foreign policy and criminal justice policy. These policies comes with an increasing level of EU regulation, having also a substantive impact on the harmonization of national policies and regulations. This expansion of EU competence naturally also places new demands on their enforcement, especially when it comes to investigations with the aim of imposing punitive administrative and/or criminal sanctions. In this expanded version of his valedictory lecture Prof. Vervaele is assessing 1) to what extent the EU and its Member States have a policy on punitive enforcement in the internal market and in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice and 2) how this policy translates into the harmonization of substantive administrative and criminal law and procedural law at the national level and into the elaboration of administrative and judicial cooperation instruments and the setting up of European enforcement agencies. The assessment includes to what extent this policy takes account of the human rights obligations. Vervaele concludes with a plea for a European model for punitive law enforcement with an increased alignment between the administrative enforcement tools in the internal market and the criminal enforcement tools in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. In this model the national enforcement authorities are build in under a network cooperation scheme."--

A SECONDARY ANALYSIS OF SURVEY DATA COLLECTED BY THE NEDERLANDS INSTIT VOOR PUBLIEKE OPINIE EN HET MARKTONDERZOEK (NIPO) IN CONNECTION WITH THE NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY 1970-1980, STUDIES THE ATTITUDES TOWARD & THE KNOWLEDGE ABOUT DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION IN THE NETHERLANDS. OPERATIONALIZATION OF THIS PROBLEM SHOULD INCLUDE AN EXAMINATION OF THE AIMS OF DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION STRATEGY (IN THIS CASE THE AIMS OF RESOLUTION 2626 (XXV), ACCEPTED AT THE 25TH GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE UN). IT SHOULD INCLUDE A STUDY OF CONCRETE POLICY OR SOME ALTERNATIVE FOR ACHIEVING THESE ENDS. IN SUCH A WAY WE MIGHT EXAMINE KNOWLEDGE ABOUT & ATTITUDES TOWARD CONCRETE ITEMS OF DEVELOPMENT POLICY. 2 CLUSTERS OF ATTITUDES TOWARD DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION WERE FOUND: A COSMOPOLITAN ORIENTATION & A CHARITABLE ONE; THE FORMER PROVED POSITIVELY RELATED WITH KNOWLEDGE. THIS POSITIVE RELATION IS ONLY A STOCHASTIC ONE & INDICATES A PROBABILITY, NOT A CAUSALITY. OTHER BACKGROUND VARIABLES WERE EXAMINED TO ILLUMINATE THE REMAINING NECESSARY CONDITIONS WHICH MAKE FOR A COSMOPOLITAN ORIENTATION. 16 TABLES, 1 FIGURE. HA.

Etambala, Z. A.: Vredesoperaties door niet-Afrikaanse strijdkrachten in Susahara-Afrika. - S. 1-3. Ajello, A.: La politique europeenne concernant l'Afrique. - S. 5-11. Michel, L.: La politique belge en Afrique. - S. 13-17. VanCalster, R.: Een toekomst voor militaire samenwerking met Subsahara-Afrika. - S. 19-34. Bibaye Itandas, R.: Y a-t-il un avenir pour la cooperation militaire? - S. 35-40. Doom, R.: Vredesondersteunende operaties in Subsahara-Afrika. - S. 41-48

An overview of Belgian policy making & implementation targeting countries of the African continent through either bilateral agreements or cooperation in projects launched by international organizations. Belgian African policy is placed in the larger geopolitical context, discussing the legacy of the Cold War, the country's historical ties with the Central African region (Zaire, Burundi, & Rwanda), & current structures & institutions available in the European Union & on the international arena (eg, the World Bank) within which the Belgian government can become effective either bilaterally or multilaterally in this part of Africa. The modernization of the ways & means through which developmental aid is dispensed in Africa is examined, considering Belgian & international initiatives & making comparisons to the traditional foci in Belgium's African policy. Five areas on which the current Belgian government concentrates on Central Africa are identified: (1) humanitarian assistance, (2) support for groups & initiatives targeting a peaceful resolution of conflicts & the enhancement of human rights in this part of the globe, (3) work on the demobilization & reintegration of former military units & ex-soldiers, (4) mobilization of donors & organizations willing to assist in securing peace in Burundi & eastern Congo (Zaire), & (5) actions on behalf of strengthening African "ownership" & diplomatic involvement in local peace initiatives. Z. Dubiel

Dutch-American relations in the post-war period have been inexorably intertwined with the Cold War. In the course of the 1960s the East-West struggle entered a new phase with the beginning of a period of détente, which had important consequences for the Dutch-American relationship. In this dissertation, which focuses on the governmental level, the following issues are dealt with: firstly, to what extent was the relationship affected by the complicating developments that took place in the years 1969-1976? Secondly, how did Dutch and American policy makers view the relationship? Finally, what did the asymmetry in the relationship mean and were the Dutch able to exert any influence? When taking into account both international and domestic factors, the picture that emerges is one of both change and continuity. What makes the period concerned stand out is the fact that the Atlantic Alliance was at a point where a redefinition of the common goals seemed unavoidable. Security concerns and preserving the American dominant position in the international arena were the foremost concerns of President Nixon and NSC-advisor Kissinger. These ideas clashed with those of Dutch politicians of for instance the Labour Party who wanted détente, an active human rights policy and development cooperation to be part of the Atlantic foreign policy agenda. The American embassy in The Hague was aware of these changes: it noticed a turn to the left in Dutch society and the political landscape. The Dutch cabinets in the period concerned faced domestic pressure to take a more critical stance towards the United States, where the Nixon administration faced problems concerning its image and credibility because of the Vietnam war and the Watergate scandal. On the other hand, unmistakable signs of continuity in the Dutch-American relationship were present. The Dutch governments in the years concerned did not turn away from Atlantic cooperation, as the Netherlands remained dependent on the American military commitment to Western Europe. Détente was ...

Noting the inequality in wealth distribution between the haves & have nots in the world today & recognizing the possibility that poverty may become a threat to world peace, Flemish foreign policies, promulgated within the Belgian federation, are outlined. It is noted that, although perceived by many as largely symbolic, the foreign policy actions carried out by the government of Flanders deliver tangible benefits in many regions of the globe & have a profound impact on the formulation & promulgation of foreign policy on the federal level. Several of such initiatives conducted in cooperation with the World Health Organization & UNESCO & targeting third world countries are listed. Recognizing the tragedy of September 11, it is argued that Europe should show solidarity & support to a country which supported the continent when it needed help. However, Europe should also work on preventing any overreaction by the American government in its retaliation. The recent foreign policy initiatives of the federal government, with Louis Michel as its foreign minister, are both appreciated & supported. Z. Dubiel

The author introduces the article by describing why the term Jihad-terrorism shouldn't be used (it's not an ideology, but a method; the term hammers on an intrinsic link between Islam and violence). The Belgian international attitude stresses that a wrong perception within European policy will actually lead to an anti-Western radicalization, and that terminology is part of that. The article continues with four EU anti-terror strategies: proactive: prevention and protection; reactive: prosecution and response. Regarding suppression of radicalization and recruitment, three factors are mentioned: facilitating factors within a globalized world (travel and communication, money operations, internet availability); an anti-western enemy perception; structural environmental factors, the so-called root causes (social circumstances, democratic imperfection, modernization badly directed, economic and political perspectives, unsolved conflicts, lack of education). Two additional principles for Belgium: 1) fundamental rights and freedoms; 2) suppression of Jihad-terrorism in cooperation with Muslim countries. References. O. van Zijl

This colloquium focuses on urban and princely space in the Duchy of Brabant in the late Middle Ages and early modern period. The focus is on how territorial developments were perceived in different social milieus. After all, urban elites, the monarch and his entourage had different - but sometimes similar - opinions about what Brabant actually was and used various media to communicate their ideas about it. Administrative, narrative and cartographic sources, architecture, literature and art bear witness to this. The Belgian-Dutch "Stichting Colloquium De Brabantse Stad" organizes an international meeting every three years at which various aspects of the history of the cities and of urban life in the old Duchy of Brabant are examined. The colloquium is organized alternately in the provinces of Antwerp, Flemish Brabant, Walloon Brabant, North Brabant and in the Brussels Capital Region. The XIXth colloquium, taking place in Brussels at the Université Saint-Louis, is being organized in cooperation with the NWO research project Imagining a territory.

Interrelations between 124 Dutch business Corp's & financial Co's & instit's are analyzed as they are generated by interlocking manag & supervision boards in 1969. In this graph-theoretical model the most important characteristics of the network of interlocking manag & supervision boards are found to be: (1) The network consists of one large component, in which nearly all big Corp's, financial Co's & instit's are connected by interlockings, & a small number of isolated elements. (2) The center of the network consists largely of financial Co's & instit's. (3) The center of the network of interlocking between the 60 financial Co's & instit's consists of 3 banks, 2 insurance Co's, 1 investment trust, 3 semi-gov'al financial instit's, & 1 mortgage bank. (4) The central financial Co's & instit's are connected by an extremely dense network: 86% of all pairs are directly connected by 1 or more interlockings. (5) The financial Co's & instit's in the center of the network between the 60 financial units also have the largest number of edges with the 64 business Corp's, together with 3 other financial units. (6) The connectivity & density in the network between the 64 business Corp's are also due to persons who are also manager or managing director in financial Co's or instit's. An interlocking constitutes at least a COMM channel between the Corp's. Moreover, managers & managing directors are chosen mainly by cooperation. Therefore the network is interpreted as one of COMM & cooperation. Corp's, Co's, & instit's in the center of the network of interlockings are able to gather & distribute a large amount of information which gives them power: the ability to determine the outcomes of decision making processes, resulting in value allocations. 2 Figures, 9 Tables. Modified HA.

A review of the literature on the comparative analysis of the unemployment problem in Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development countries, with attention to whether these findings can be fruitful for a more policy-centered discussion of mass unemployment in the Netherlands. Three theoretical & empirical contributions explaining the divergent reactions to the unemployment problem are considered: the power-structure approach of Manfred G. Schmidt, which leans heavily on a class-politics thesis & the neocorporatist debate; the historical-materialistic viewpoint, which focuses on the institutional past of countries; & the action-oriented & institutionalist-cultural theory. It is suggested that a political-institutional analysis should assess: the structures of policy making, the logic of collective action of the major interest organizations, & the logic of accommodation between the state & the major interest organization. 1 Table, 50 References. Modified AA