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In terms of geopolitics, Russia and Germany are the two dominant powers on the Eurasian continent. For three centuries, they have been having a "special relationship". Over the past 50 years, their cooperation has had a positive impact on promoting the detente of international relations globally, in matters of disarmament, in the cause of German unification, and in the inclusion of Russia in the global financial and economic structures after the collapse of the USSR. However, in recent years, the mechanism of constructive interaction has clearly deteriorated due to differences in understanding of the world order prospects, the role and place of the two countries in the post-bipolar system of international coordinates. The parliamentary elections in Germany and Russia will not affect the foreign policy course of Berlin and Moscow, and the Russian leadership will not have to choose with whom to deal. It is important to understand that Beijing has taken Moscow's place in foreign policy priorities, and cooperation between Russia and Germany is reduced to "peaceful coexistence". This is for a long time. It is also necessary to take into account that Russian-German relations are most significantly affected by Germany's integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, and, therefore, strict bilateralism in the Berlin–Moscow link is excluded. In matters of war and peace, ensuring stability and security, resolving international conflicts, as well as respecting democratic rights and freedoms, the Federal Republic of Germany will always act in the Russian direction according to the Euro-Atlantic scale of values and with an eye to its allies and partners. Of course, the dialogue at the highest level will not stop, but it will be burdened with mutual accusations and will stall at every convenient and inconvenient occasion, because both states live in different dimensions and think in different planes. One lives according to geopolitical concepts of the 19th 20th centuries, the other operates in geo-economic categories of the 21st century. Warming, easing or partial lifting of sanctions will be possible only if the Minsk process progresses, that is, de-escalating the situation in the Donbass and relieving the Kremlin's pressure on the Russian opposition. No breakthroughs are expected on the trade and economic front either. All this suggests that we are going back to the past, to the era of systemic confrontation, which will be our reality for the foreseeable future.

Because of the regional security system crisis Ukraine needs new reliable political and economic partners. In this context, example of Indonesia as relatively young state is important for Ukraine. Indonesia is the informal leader of ASEAN, but pays attention to the development of close cooperation with other international forums and integration associations, successfully defends its national interests in political, military, trade, investment areas. The aim of this study is to develop a coherent picture of the foreign policy strategy of Indonesia in international organizations. This article deals with the role of Indonesia in international organizations of the Asia-Pacific region. Its main initiative within cooperation with these organizations is improvement of the region security system. The author also identified a special place of NAM foreign policy of the state. This study demonstrates that, despite the undeniable importance of the ASEAN's foreign policy for Indonesia, the state focuses its attention on the other organization and cooperates with a lot of regional forums. This pragmatic and effective strategy can be an example for the Ukrainian leadership ; Статья посвящена исследованию роли Республики Индонезия в международных организациях Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона. Проанализирована нормативно-правовая база внешнеполитической стратегии госу-дарства, которая касается участия в интеграционных процессах, особое внимание уделено целям, задачам и принципам сотрудничества Индонезии с региональными организациями. Дана характеристика деятельности Республики Индонезия в рамках таких региональных форумов, как Азиатско-Тихоокеанское экономическое сотрудничество (АТЭС), Азиатский диалог сотрудничества (АДС), Организация исламского сотрудничества (ОИС), План Коломбо. Основными инициативами Индонезии в рамках сотрудничества с этими организациями является налаживание полномасштабного сотрудничества по линии Север-Юг и совершенствования системы безопасности в регионе. Автор также определил особое место Движения неприсоединения во внешней поли-тике государства. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню ролі Республіки Індонезія в міжнародних організаціях Азійсько-Тихоокеанського регіону. Проаналізована нормативно-правова база зовнішньополітичної стра-тегії держави щодо участі в інтеграційних процесах, особлива увага приділена цілям, завданням та принципам співробітництва Індонезії з регіональними організаціями. Надана характеристика діяльності Республіки Індонезія у межах таких регіональних форумів, як Азійсько-Тихоокеанське економічне співробітництво (АТЕС), Азіатський діалог співробітництва (АДС), Організація іслам-ського співробітництва (ОІС), План Коломбо. Основними ініціативами Індонезії у межах спів-робітництва з цими організаціями є налагодження повномасштабного співробітництва по лінії Північ-Південь та удосконалення системи безпеки в регіоні. Автор також визначив особливе місце Руху неприєднання у зовнішній політиці держави.

This article conducts an assessment of what should be considered best practice in municipal GHG accounting, contrasting the call for increased global harmonization with the need for local relevance and applicability. Taking as its point of departure an analysis of GHG accounting methodologies applied by local governments in Denmark, we identify eight Danish methodologies and assess them based on international good practice criteria. We observe a high degree of convergence among the Danish approaches in the application of data sources, quantification approaches, and scope, identifying data availability as the key barrier to improving the specificity and dynamic properties of local GHG accounts. In furthering an international best practice, the Danish approaches indicate that relevance to local planning necessarily involves an adaptation to the context of local systems and data sources, and that best practice guidelines should acknowledge limitations in inventory quality and provide guidelines for weighing trade-offs and exploring synergetic improvements. In Denmark, synergies can be found in improved data quality and regional cooperation on account development, which may improve relevance, quality, and comparability simultaneously, and act as an adaptive approach to methodology harmonization, without thereby reducing inventory relevance. ; The article contains an analysis of GHG accounting methodologies applied by local governments in Denmark. Eight Danish methodologies have been identified, a Danish best practice distinguished and assessed based on the criteria for good practice in GHG accounting: Relevance, comparability, transparency, completeness, consistency and accuracy. In doing so a number of key concepts are defined and compared, and the relative relevance of the different criteria has been discussed. We observe a high degree of convergence among the Danish approaches in the application of data sources, quantification approaches and scope, identifying data availability as the key barrier for improving the specificity and dynamicity of local GHG accounts, and with it the accuracy and ability to monitor changes in emissions. In furthering an international best practice the Danish approach indicates that an adaptive approach to methodology harmonization may be feasible, especially if driven by the development and promotion of improved methodologies and data sources for sectors in which current approaches are inadequate and by regional cooperation improving accuracy, completeness, consistency and comparability while driving down cost by economies of scale.

Das Engagement der Volkrepublik China in Afrika hat in den letzten Jahren einen enormen Wachstum aufgewiesen und der daraus resultierende Einfluss ist des öfteren Thema vieler Diskussionen. Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit behandelt Chinas Einfluss auf Afrika im Rahmen der Entwicklung und vor allem im Rahmen der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und der Menschenrechte. Verschiedene Aspekte und Implikationen des chinesischen Engagements in Afrika wurden analysiert. Einen Schwerpunkt bilden die Fragen wie Peking sich Afrika gegenüber präsentiert, was für einen Kooperationsansatz China verfolgt und wie sich dieser von dem konventionellen Modell der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit unterscheidet. Anhand von zwei Fallstudien wurden die konkreten Gebiete und Sektoren des chinesischen Engagements, sowie der genaue Einfluss Chinas auf die afrikanische Entwicklung, inbesondere auf Menschenrechte, analysiert. Schließlich wurden Menschenrechtsverletzungen, welche durch das chinesische Engagement begünstigt werden oder gar entstehen, untersucht und eine mögliche Verantwortlichkeit für diese diskutiert. Nach der Einbeziehung und Disskussion verschiedenster Möglichkeiten kann festgestellt werden, dass derzeit keine effektiven Mechanismen im internationalen Recht existieren, die es ermöglichen würden Unternehmen oder Staaten für Menschenrechtsverletzungen durch chinesisches Engagement in Afrika zur Verantwortung zu ziehen. Allerdings stellen die ?Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights?, welche von Professor John Ruggie erarbeitet worden sind, einen nützlichen Rahmen dar und haben großes Potential für eine weitere Entwicklung auf diesem Gebiet in der Zukunft. ; The engagement of the PRC in Africa has featured an immense growth in the last years and the resulting influence is further subject of many discussions. This thesis has concentrated on the Chinese impact on Africa in Development and has analyzed different aspects and implications of the Chinese involvement in Africa. An emphasis has been put on the questions how Beijing presents itself towards Africa, what kind of cooperation approach it adopts and how this differs from the traditional model of development cooperation. Moreover, the evidence of Chinese engagement in Africa by sector and area has been investigated by means of two case studies and the impact of China on African development and in particular on human rights has been discussed. Finally, human rights abuses occurring through Chinese involvement and a possible accountability in this matter have been looked at. After the consideration of different possibilities it can be said that there are no effective mechanisms provided by international law that make it possible to hold the companies or the states responsible for human rights abuses caused by Chinese enterprises operating in African countries, such as Ethiopia or the Democratic Republic of the Congo. However, as has been demonstrated, the ?Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights? constitute a valuable framework holding huge potential for a future development towards an international accountability of companies for human rights abuses. ; von Esther Ludwig ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2013 ; (VLID)226444

This book originated in the context of the 2002-3 European Forum programme on 'Europe after Globalisation: International regulatory competition and cooperation in an enlarging European Union' directed by Professor Claus-Dieter Ehlermann and codirected by Professor Giandomenico Majone and Professor Claudio Radaelli. ; The 2002-3 European Forum organized by the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies of the EUI dealt with regulatory cooperation and regulatory competition in an integrating world economy. Within this broad theme, a series of six seminars on risk regulation were held in the period January-March 2003. Although six seminars are hardly sufficient to cover a fast expanding field like risk regulation, I hope the reader will find the texts collected in this publication useful as an introduction to some of the key issues and concepts in this increasingly important area of EU regulation and international harmonization. Like few other policy areas, risk regulation requires a clear understanding of basic principles of decision-making under uncertainty—principles which cannot be ignored even by those who are interested in the legal, political or psychological aspects of risk rather than in technical risk analysis. Indeed, it could be argued that many current debates would be easily settled or at least reduced to their ultimate political dimension if only the participants understood the most elementary principles of coherent decision-making under uncertainty. These principles, and some of their policy and institutional implications, are the topic of the three first chapters of the present publication. ; --Introduction Giandomenico Majone 1 --Chapter 1 Foundations of Risk Regulation: Science, Decision-Making, Policy Learning and Institutional Reform, Giandomenico Majone 9 --Chapter 2 What Price Safety? The Precautionary Principle and its Policy Implications, Giandomenico Majone 33 --Chapter 3 European Regulatory Agencies: The Dilemma of Delegation of Powers in the European Union, Giandomenico Majone 55 --Chapter 4 The Emerging EU Regulatory Framework on Genetically Modified Organisms: Dilemmas and Challenges, Sara Poli 79 --Chapter 5 Setting Out International Food Standards: Euro-American Conflicts Within the Codex Alimentarius Commission, Sara Poli 125 --Chapter 6 Enlarging the EU Food Safety Regime: Selected Problems in Adjusting the Polish Food Safety Regime to EU Food Safety Requirements, Aleksander Surdej 149

This article examines the current military-political strategy of France in the Baltic region. This area has not traditionally been among the main priorities of French diplomacy. However, under President Emmanuel Macron, France pays closer attention to the Baltic Sea due to the growing tension between Russia and the West. According to France's key strategic documents, the government assesses the present-day situation mainly in a negative way, considering Russian actions as the main reason for the militarization of the region and expressing its readiness to show solidarity with NATO allies. On this basis, Paris is gradually increasing its military presence in the Baltic region, which now exceeds its contingents in the Middle East and the Sahel. For example, French forces still participate in the NATO air policing programme as well as in naval exercises, keeping the troops in Estonia within the Lynx mission. France's further activity in the region includes enhanced cooperation with Sweden and Finland after they accede to NATO, an already planned increase in military contingent in the Baltic States in 2023, and the development of the European Political Community project. The author concludes that even if France's presence in the Baltic does not yet pose a critical threat to Russian security, Paris's policy is becoming more pro-Atlantic to the detriment of previous statements about 'European sovereignty' and dialogue with Russia.

Does "soft power" matter in international relations? Specifically, when the United States seeks cooperation from countries around the world, do the views of their publics about US foreign policy affect the actual foreign policy behavior of these countries? The authors examine this question using multinational surveys covering fifty-eight countries, combined with information about their foreign policy decisions in 2003, a critical year for the US. They draw their basic conceptual framework from Joseph Nye, who uses various indicators of opinion about the US to assess US soft power. But the authors argue that his theory lacks the specificity needed for falsifiable testing. They refine it by focusing on foreign public opinion about US foreign policy, an underemphasized element of Nye's approach. Their regression analysis shows that foreign public opinion has a significant and large effect on troop commitments to the war in Iraq, even after controlling for various hard power factors. It also has significant, albeit small, effects on policies toward the International Criminal Court and on voting decisions in the UN General Assembly. These results support the authors' refined theoretical argument about soft power: public opinion about US foreign policy in foreign countries does affect their policies toward the US, but this effect is conditional on the salience of an issue for mass publics.

Social relations are great significance in stimulating sports activities. A question naire conducted with 312 athletes as to the subjectively experienced influence exerted by various external and internal determinants reveals the dominant role played by social relations. Starting off from the central significance of social re lations in a sports group stress was laid on four variables which exert a decisive influence on the quality of communication and cooperation in a group. They find their expression in the ability and readiness of the individual members of the team to cooperate in activities, in the norms of the group, in the structural relations between members of the group and in the integration of the teams with larger communities.

<div><p><em>Quality of life is considered as the extent to which a person appreciates the essential potential outcomes of his/her life. Potential outcomes result from the open doors and confinements every individual has in his/her life and mirror the cooperation of individual and ecological components. The main aim of this study was to understand the quality of life among the people with diabetes mellitus. The sampling technique used for this study was purposive sampling. WHOQOL- BREF questionnaire was used to assess the quality of life. It was assessed through four domains like physical, psychological, social and environment. Through results it was found that high percentage of study population had low quality of life in all four domains. The researcher also assessed the management of the illness in the people diagnosed with the diabetes mellitus. A self -structured questionnaire was used for this purpose. The results showed that the study population manage their illness through various measures like diet restrictions, follow ups with the doctor, maintained optimal blood sugar, treatment adherence and involve in exercise.</em></p></div>

Over the past few years, Sweden has markedly shifted its position on private military and security companies (PMSCs), from widespread reluctance and general suspicion to increasing acceptance and normalization, along with a gradual institutionalization of the use of PMSCs by Swedish state agencies. On the one hand, this development is part of the broader trend of security commercialization in Europe and globally. On the other hand, it is both shaped by, and shapes, changes within Sweden, where the past years have seen important shifts in foreign and security policies, as well as a substantial transformation of the Swedish Armed Forces, with the ongoing transition from a conscript system to an all-volunteer force (AVF) being the most visible. Drawing on interviews with state officials, records from parliamentary debates, and official government documents, this article analyzes the shift from reluctance to acceptance and identifies and discusses possible future implications of this increased reliance on PMSCs in the context of Swedish military and security transformation, particularly in relation to issues of security governance and civil–military relations and cooperation.

lsabel Schäfer Dorothée Schmid Germany France and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict France and Germany have recently experienced common approaches when confronted to regional crisis in the Middle East Recent German activism suggests closer Franco-German cooperation in order to develop solutions to the Israeli- Palestinian conflict in the framework of the European Union This hypothesis needs to be assessed by taking into consideration the respective relationship of both states with the protagonists of the conflict Far from being complementary the French and German stances thus appear rather incompatible in practice Further more institutional constraints make it difficult to elaborate new positions for the enlarged Union In this context collaboration with other key states of the Union is required to reach institutional efficiency

In the last two years, Slovak foreign policy has acquired a new, efficient tool that could, when used in the right & effective way, provide the necessary dimension, dynamics & spark to our foreign relations -- the bilateral program of development assistance. The new program helps in fulfilling the moral & political obligations of Slovakia, such as the Millenium Development Goals & the obligations adopted at the Monterrey Conference & the Barcelona EU summit. It also opens broad opportunities for state, foreign policy & various Slovak entities, on the program & project level. It is only natural that bilateral development assistance creates a broad space for the cooperation of Slovakia with greater Europe, including the Western Balkans. 2 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.