Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.
This research aims to provide an explanation of CSR in Indonesia by proving that CSR mediates the influence of international experiences on firm value. This study is explanatory research with non-service sector companies listed on IDX in 2010-2012 as the population. The sampling was conducted using the saturated sampling method. Moreover, the method of analysis used was SEM (based on variance). The result of the study suggests that CSR disclosure mediates the influence of international experiences on firm value. In addition, the result of this study implies that companies should implement and report CSR accordingly, especially companies that run export trade, as it would have a positive impact on firm value. For the government, through the stock market regulator, it is crucial to provide guidance in making CSR report in detail by referring to GRI that has been universally accepted, in order to be used for economic decision making for stakeholders.
The refugee crisis is a global problem that needs serious attention. Responsibility-sharing is a core tenet of international responses to refugee crises. However, global governance, within the framework of the global refugee regime, is often practically ineffective to respond such problems. In this aspect, conceptual evaluation and reform are needed. In this particular momentum, civil society groups are able to be involved, in both performance evaluation and framework formulation related to global governance on refugees. One of the formal form of civil society is a non-governmental organization (NGO). Amnesty International is one of the NGOs involved in the process of evaluating and reforming global governance on refugees. This article aims to find out the form of Amnesty International's involvement in global governance on refugees. This study used descriptive-qualitative method. The findings in this article are that Amnesty International has a direct involvement in order to evaluate and to reform the global governance framework related to refugees through the 2016 UN High Summit for Refugee and Migrant. This involvement was demonstrated through performance evaluations and proposals for more genuine responsibility-sharing, both at the conceptual and technical level. Amnesty International in this involvement pursued an agenda that has two dimensions, namely: the dimension of institutional evolution and the agenda dimension.
The occupation of the city of Marawi in the southern Philippines and a series of terrorist attacks in Indonesia which followed it demonstrate that terrorism is a persistent and enduring threat to Southeast Asian security, despite the governments' concerted efforts on countering terrorism since 9/11 and the Bali Bombings in 2002 and 2005. Security specialists and defence officials in the region believe that ASEAN has to intensify its cooperation to address the challenge of terrorism through the use of military forces. This article, however, claims that the militarised counterterrorism has no institutional, normative and practical basis within ASEAN's main security structure, the APSC. This is followed by dual implications for the broader security agendas, affecting democratisation and sharpening mistrust among ASEAN states which challenges ASEAN centrality in regional security affairs.
This study analyzes the success of the Indonesian Farmers Union (SPI) in the peasant rights struggle during 2001 - 2016. This study uses the social movement integration aprproach which is an attempt to synthesize three dimensions / approaches: the structure of political opportunity; structure of social mobilization; and cultural framing. This study uses qualitative research methods with study case approach. The research data is sourced from interviews and documents and literature related to this study. The analysis indicates that the success of SPI in peasant rights struggles in 2001 - 2018 can be seen from the ratification of 'Declaration Peasant Rights and Other People Working in Rural Area' or UNDROP at the International level. This success can't be separated from the role of each dimension / approach, namely a combination of factors of political openness in Indonesia, the success of the SPI in networking alliances at various levels (local-international), and the construction of ideas on the rights of farmers that can be accepted universal.
Purpose The study aims to examine the military-connected firms' risk preference, specifically in the innovation intensity level context. The authors argue that firms with military-experienced top management have conservative and risk-averse behavior, influencing the innovation investment policy. Design/methodology/approach The authors use nonfinancial Indonesian-listed firms from 2010 to 2018 amounted to 2,504 firm-year observations. Findings The authors document a negative relationship between military connection with both innovation activities and outputs. The additional analysis documents that risk-preferences of military-connected firms will be drastically changed when the industry has a high digital level, which confirms that risk-averse military-experienced management is less dominant with adaptation skill. The authors also identify that veterans did not need a long tenure to influence firms' innovation investment policy. Lastly, the result is robust due to various endogeneity tests employed. Originality/value This study further examines military-connected firms' technological innovation compared to prior studies and enriches the related literature.
Interaction in the international system creates cooperation between countries and can also create conflicts when interests between countries clash. There are two approaches used in resolving conflict; associative where countries seek to cooperate with each other; and disassociative involving military force and political separation (Barash & Webel, 2009: 288). One of Indonesia's associative efforts in maintaining its diplomatic relations with Australia is by using ASEAN to form the AANZFTA (ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Area). Apart from geographical proximity, the socio-economic development opportunities for all parties, this cooperation is also a geopolitical strategy for Australian security and provides political legitimacy for ASEAN in the international world. Using a case study method that focuses on the dynamics of the relationship between ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand, mainly through the AANZFTA, this paper will explain ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand's reasons and interests as well as strengths and weaknesses in them. Through discussion and analysis results, it can be concluded that international cooperation was formed to build negative peace after the World War. Then over time, non-traditional issues increasingly encourage international cooperation to develop positive peace with moral values and peaceful dispute resolution without violence. Although the impact is the domination of big countries and sacrificing small and developing countries' sovereignty, each country will always prioritize its own interests. This study's results can provide an overview of the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Australia multilaterally through AANZFTA. At the same time, the bilateral relationship between the two can be reviewed in further research
Mahathir Mohamad: Keynote address. - S. 1-20. Dialogue with the Prime Minister. - S. 21-49. Report of plenary session I: Forging cooperation for a better future. - S. 51-73. Resolutions of workshop group I: Forging cooperation from the political dimension. Resolutions of workshop group II: Forging cooperation from the religio-cultural dimension. Resolutions of workshop group III: Forging cooperation from the economic dimension. - S. 75-108. Report of plenary session II. - S. 109-136. Abdul Hamid, Ahmad Sarji bin: Closing remarks. - S. 137-140
Purpose One of the strongest connections in politics in developing countries is through military links. This study aims to examine the auditor choice preference of the militarily-connected firms in Indonesia, an emerging country where there is a strong influence from the military on political decision-making. Design/methodology/approach The analysis used 3,473 firms-year observations listed on the Indonesian Stock Exchange spanning from 2003 to 2017 using regression and other statistical tests. Findings The results reveal that firms with a militarily-connected director are less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors. Using the military reform as a natural experiment, the finding shows that militarily-connected firms did not change their auditor choice preference even after the military reform. Interestingly, I find that connected firms are associated with high earnings management. In addition, the different retirement position level and military affiliations of the connected directors generate different outcomes related to the auditor choice decision. Overall, the results indicate that militarily-connected firms were less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors both before and after the military reforms. These results are robust, even after the author controlled for political connections, year fixed effects and industry fixed effects. Research limitations/implications Because of the limitations of the prior literature on military connections, this study is developed based on the assumption that the militarily-connected directors have identical behavior whether they serve in either public or private companies. However, this assumption could be invalid which potentially affects the interpretation of some of the results in this study. Originality/value This paper provides direct evidence of the auditor choice preference of firms with a military connection. The evidence builds on the existing literature on the difference in auditor choice preference between politically and militarily-connected firms.
The purpose of writing this thesis is (1) to find out the level of suitability between the expectations and performance of PT. Asuransi Bangun Askrida Samarinda Branch related to the dimensions of service quality which include tangibles, reliability, responsiveness, assurance, and empathy. which is very important and must be maintained in terms of service quality. (3) to find out whether or not there are real or unreal differences in the treatment before (expectations) and after (reality) from the insured using the services of PT Asuransi Bangun Askrida Samarinda Branch.From the results of the questionnaire distributed to 111 people the results of calculations using the Importance Performance Analysis, the level of suitability for the physical evidence variable, the suitability level is 90.45%. For the reliability variable the suitability level is 87.34%. For the variable responsiveness the level of suitability is 90.40%. For the guarantee variable the level of suitability is 89.23%, and for the empathy variable the suitability level is 91.02%. For processing data using Cartesius diagrams, quadrant A results are 1 factor in the dimensions of reliability and 1 factor in the dimensions of responsiveness where this needs to be improved. Quadrant B is 3 factors in the dimensions of reliability, 2 factors in the dimension of responsiveness; 3 factors in the assurance dimension; and 2 factors for the dimension of empathy where this needs to be maintained, because in general the level of implementation is in accordance with the interests and expectations of its customers. Kudran C is 4 factors from the dimensions of tangibles, and two factors from the dimension of empathy. For quadrant D, none of the research indicators entered into this quadrant. This study also shows that there are significant differences between before and after the insured uses the services of PT Asuransi Bangun Askrida Samarinda Branch, which is shown from the results of paired sample t test from all dimensions of service quality is 0,000.
Covid 19 that has hit the Indonesian nation has had a multidimensional impact on people's lives. The formation of the Task Force for the Acceleration of Handling Covid 19 is a concrete step for the government in response to this problem. The Task Force has certainly faced various obstacles, challenges and problems in carrying out its duties and functions. One of them will be related to the arrangement of the various dimensions of the Task Force organization in several laws and regulations that govern it. The research method used is descriptive and juridical normative with the aim of obtaining a complete and comprehensive description and evaluation of the organizational dimensions of the Task Force that have been stipulated in several laws and regulations as a product of public policy. The results showed that the Task Force as the operating core of government policies / programs dealing with Covid 19 was an ad hoc institution that was a political organization. Regulations for several structural and contextual dimensions are contained in Presidential Decree No. 7/2020, Presidential Decree No. 9/2020, Presidential Regulation No. 82/2020, and Decree of the Chair of the Task Force No. 16/2020, namely formalization, specialization, hierarchy of authority, organizational goals and organizational size. ; Covid-19 having hit the Indonesian nation has multidimensionally impacted on people's lives. The formation of the Task Force for Accelerating the Handling of Covid-19 is a concrete policy of the Indonesian Government to respond the problem. The Task Force in carrying out its duties has certainly faced various obstacles, challenges and problems. One of them can be related to the arrangement of various organizational dimensions of the Task Force in several laws and regulations. The aim of this research is to describe the organizational dimensions of the Task Force. This research uses descriptive method combined with the juridical-normative approach where the laws and regulations arranging the Task Force can be viewed as public policy. Result of this research shows that the Task Force is an ad hoc organization as an operating core of the government policy in handling Covid-19. Some structural and contextual organizational dimensions of the Task Force, namely formalization, specialization, hierarchy of authority, organizational goal, and organizational size, are contained in (a) Presidential Decree No. 7/2020, (b) Presidential Decree No. 9/2020, (c) Presidential Regulation No. 82/2020, and (d) Decree of the Chair of the Task Force No. 16/2020, namely formalization, specialization, hierarchy of authority, organizational goals and organizational size.
Problem of Food emerged as a Non-Traditional Secuirty (NTS) issue in the aftermath of the Cold War and was identified as one of the seven pillars of human security by the 1994 UNDP Report 'New Dimensions' in Security. Food security as 'the means for all people at all times to have both physical and economic access to basic food' and that food security is an entitlement. When the shortages food supply in a country, it will be an increasing the conflict civil society, so the stability of the state security being disrupted. The availability of adequate food supplies could become the core of social contact in all the country's political system.The food crisis in Venezuela resulted in civil conflict be increased. Venezuela is the world's oil producing countries but due to falling world oil prices, then became distracted State reception system. The political system came along with the economic crisis makes Venezuela in the worst condition.This economic crisis makes Venezuela experienced a food crisis, so many societies suffered famine and looting food even do violence to gain access the food. Finally, the conflict civil society occur due to the food crisis and the stability of the State security becomes disrupted. In this paper using descriptive analysis method that describes the relationship of food security in Venezuela that can be disrupt the stability of State security. In this paper, using the perspective of Food Securitization.This isbased on a change in the subject of security not only on military issues but the extension of the concept security including the threat of food security within a country. Food can be utilized as a political weapon by states and can be characterized as a form and symbol of political power.
The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only develop economy and infrastructure but it does not solve the conflicts until today. In this case, the Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic model needs to be implemented following the appropriateness of national policy and the condition in Papua. This research used a content analysis method to reveal the causes of an un-optimal policy in solving the insurgency. Based on the four elements of COIN, only two elements exist; community and state elements. While the international community element and private sectors do not appear on the special autonomy legislation for Papua. As a reason, the COIN model appropriates with the condition of the people that include some elements; government, local community, the non-state, international community, and private sectors. Comparing to the United States of America (USA) model where the community is not included in the COIN element since the community as an object. On the other hand, it is different from China where military and political parties as important elements since the government decisions are supported by military force to solve the insurgency problem. This research found that civil and military cooperation in the model of COIN Papua after special autonomy is reflected by the existence of Local Government Leaders Communication Forum of Papua to face all situations that happened in Papua, both in security and emergency. Active coordination among governors, local legislators, Adat communities (customary), police, and army for COIN strategy needs special coordination to global communities openly that affect opinions on the people and private sector interests in Papua. ; Persoalan Papua (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) telah mengundang komunitas internasional, namun kebijakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 21 Tahun 2001 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Bagi Provinsi Papua menjadi isu sentral dalam penyelesaian Papua hanya memberi perlakuan khusus terhadap internal masyarakat Papua. Padahal, melalui Undang-undang ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat Papua agar lebih cepat berkembang, baik politik, ekonomi, maupun budaya, disamping itu masalah gerakan insurgency (pemberontakan) juga dapat dituntaskan. Kenyataannya, penataan sosial politik, ekonomi dan anggaran yang bersifat khusus telah diberikan namun hanya mengembangkan perekonomian dan infrastruktur tetapi gerakan untuk memisahkan diri belum berakhir sampai saat ini. Untuk itu perlu suatu model strategi counterinsurgency (COIN) yang tetap sesuai dengan kebijakan nasional dan kondisi masyarakar Papua. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode content analysis untuk mengungkap penyebab kebijakan yang tidak optimal dalam menyelesaikan counterinsurgency. Berdasarkan empat elemen dasar dalam COIN hanya ada dua elemen yang ada, yaitu elemen masyarakat dan negara, sementara elemen komunitas internasional dan sektor privat tidak ditemukan dalam Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sehingga, model COIN yang sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat Papua harus memiliki unsur pemerintah, masyarakat lokal, non-state, komunitas internasional, dan sektor privat. Kalau dibandingkan dengan model United States of America (USA) yang memposisikan masyarakat tidak masuk dalam unsur COIN karena masyarakat diletakkan sebagai objek yang menentukan. Beda lagi kalau dibandingkan dengan strategi Cina yang menempatakan militer dan partai politik sebagai elemen penting karena keputusan pemerintah didukung oleh kekuatan militer untuk mengatasi masalah insurgency. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kombinasi sipil dan militer dalam model kebijakan COIN Papua Pasca-Otonomi Daerah tercermin dengan adanya Forum Komunikasi Pemimpin Daerah (Forkompimda) Papua dalam menghadapi situasi, baik kondisi aman maupun kondisi darurat. Koordinasikan aktif antara gubernur, legislatif daerah, masyarakat adat, kepolisian, dan militer. Strategi COIN di masa mendatang perlu jalur koordinasi khusus dengan komunitas global secara terbuka yang mempengaruhi opini tentang masyarakat Papua dan kepentingan sektor privat yang cukup kuat di Papua.
AbstractThe Qajar dynasty in Indonesian literature is not as popular as the Safavid dynasty and the 1979 Iranian revolution. The role of Qajar dynasty started as one of the tribal powers among the Qizilbash elite troops of the Safavid dynasty. Political conditions during the decline of Safavids led to the emergence of other warring dynasties to gain domination in Persia. Qajar dynasty under the leadership of Agha Muhammad Khan was successful in defeating warring dynasties as the Russian invaders were also driven out. Agha Muhammad later became the Shah of Persia in 1796 year before he was assassinated during a military campaign against Russia. After his assassination, Fath Ali – nephew of Agha Muhammad became the new Shah in 1798. Qajar dynasty under the new reign effectively consolidated the political condition and governing aspect of Persia. Fath Ali is also believed to have committed violence against his competitors while also; he was able to coordinate between various cultural identities in Persia along with building country's governing structure as well as patronizing religious life. During later wars with Russia, Fath Ali was dependent on intervention of British and French due to lack of reforms in his military. It became an important event before his death in 1834.
