The opening of the Colombian economy, decided in 1990, was supposed to promote a new model of growth and development based on exports (and Foreign Direct Investment). This dissertation argues that the opening was not made in order to promote growth and development, and that these two phenomena did not live up to what was expected. This result is based on an International Political Economy approach: taking into account power relationships may give a better explanation of economic phenomena. The first chapter shows that the structural characteristics of the Colombian economy made its opening unable to generate growth and development. This assertion is based on the analysis of the lack of competitiveness and of the institutional flaws of the Colombian economy, as well as on the potential increase in the spatial inequalities of development resulting from the opening. The second chapter thus highlights that the opening aimed at achieving some objectives peculiar to the United States. These objectives are made of economic considerations (typically the access to foreign markets and to raw materials) as well as political ones (dealing with the threats caused by Marxist guerrilla groups within the framework of the American foreign policy). This second chapter explains a series of means at the disposal of the United States to obtain the opening. These means go from coercion (such as sanction threats) to legitimation (to give rise to a Colombian pro-opening government). The third chapter shows that the opening did not lead to an export-led growth. On the contrary, it led to an unstable growth regime. The latter is based on the foreign capital flows. The latter feed the purchase of real estate assets by credit. The housing sector is thus stimulated, which in turn stimulates other economic activities, within the framework of spill-over effects. However, when foreign capital flows lack, real-estate asset purchases are penalized, thus preventing the expansion of the housing sector and eventually of aggregate production itself ...
The opening of the Colombian economy, decided in 1990, was supposed to promote a new model of growth and development based on exports (and Foreign Direct Investment). This dissertation argues that the opening was not made in order to promote growth and development, and that these two phenomena did not live up to what was expected. This result is based on an International Political Economy approach: taking into account power relationships may give a better explanation of economic phenomena. The first chapter shows that the structural characteristics of the Colombian economy made its opening unable to generate growth and development. This assertion is based on the analysis of the lack of competitiveness and of the institutional flaws of the Colombian economy, as well as on the potential increase in the spatial inequalities of development resulting from the opening. The second chapter thus highlights that the opening aimed at achieving some objectives peculiar to the United States. These objectives are made of economic considerations (typically the access to foreign markets and to raw materials) as well as political ones (dealing with the threats caused by Marxist guerrilla groups within the framework of the American foreign policy). This second chapter explains a series of means at the disposal of the United States to obtain the opening. These means go from coercion (such as sanction threats) to legitimation (to give rise to a Colombian pro-opening government). The third chapter shows that the opening did not lead to an export-led growth. On the contrary, it led to an unstable growth regime. The latter is based on the foreign capital flows. The latter feed the purchase of real estate assets by credit. The housing sector is thus stimulated, which in turn stimulates other economic activities, within the framework of spill-over effects. However, when foreign capital flows lack, real-estate asset purchases are penalized, thus preventing the expansion of the housing sector and eventually of aggregate production itself (spill-over effects no longer work). However, given the power relationship exercised by the United States, the Colombian government had to purchase American military equipment massively, in order to fight against the Colombian guerrillas. By doing so, the economic policy could not stabilize the economy at that time. Besides, the subsequent intensification of the conflict increased the violence within the Colombian territory, thus leading to the migration of skilled workers and to the destruction of infrastructures. The recession had thus been exacerbated. This scenario occurred a few years after 1990, resulting in the worst economic crisis of the 20th century in Colombia with a -5 % recession in 1999. The fourth chapter questions the changes followed by the production and exchange structures because of the opening, to show that these changes did not really contribute to development. Colombia tends to neglect its historic international specialization in coffee and other cultures like wheat, rice, barley, sorghum or cotton, to privilege other cultures whose positive effects on development are lower. As regards the industries of extraction of raw materials (in particular hydrocarbons), they are oriented toward exportation but they promote few development. In addition, the Colombian productive system may lack of this type of input in the future. Finally, if the manufacturing industry was able to increase at the rate of the growth regime, it owes it to the protection still remaining with the differential treatment for developing countries in the World Trade Organization, and less to the export opportunities given by the opening. When this treatment will be eliminated or at least decreased, a whole part of the Colombian economy will be threatened. ; L'ouverture de l'économie colombienne, décidée en 1990, fut présentée comme un promoteur de croissance et développement sur la base des exportations (et des Investissements Directs Etrangers). Cette thèse soutient que l'ouverture n'a pas été décidée afin de favoriser la croissance et le développement et que ces deux phénomènes n'ont pas été à la hauteur de ce qui était anticipé. Ce résultat est fondé sur une analyse en termes d'Economie Politique Internationale : les relations de pouvoir peuvent être utiles pour répondre à des questions d'ordre économique. Le premier chapitre montre que les caractéristiques structurelles de l'économie colombienne rendaient son ouverture impropre à générer croissance et développement sur la base des exportations. Cette proposition s'appuie sur l'analyse de la compétitivité sectorielle et des carences institutionnelles de l'économie colombienne, ainsi que sur l'accroissement potentiel des inégalités spatiales de développement suite à l'ouverture. Le deuxième chapitre s'attache alors à mettre en évidence que l'ouverture répond à des objectifs propres aux Etats-Unis. Ces objectifs sont à dominante économique (typiquement la création des débouchés extérieurs et l'accès à des matières premières) ou politique (lutte contre les guérillas d'inspiration communiste dans le cadre de la politique étrangère américaine). Le deuxième chapitre expose une série des moyens à la disposition des Etats-Unis afin d'obtenir l'ouverture du gouvernement colombien de l'époque. Ces moyens vont de la coercition (par exemple la menace de sanction) à la légitimation (favoriser l'élection d'un gouvernement pro-ouverture). Le troisième chapitre montre que l'ouverture n'a pas instauré un régime de croissance fondé sur les exportations. Au contraire, elle a instauré un régime instable fondé sur une dynamique spéculative sur les actifs immobiliers à partir des flux de capitaux étrangers venant nourrir l'achat de ces actifs à crédit. Lorsque ces capitaux finissent tôt ou tard par manquer, de tels achats sont pénalisés et viennent interrompre la dynamique. Celle-ci ne peut plus tirer la croissance via des effets d'entrainement du secteur de la construction sur le reste de l'économie. Mais pris au piège de la relation de pouvoir exercée par les Etats-Unis, le gouvernement colombien n'a pas cherché à stabiliser la conjoncture. Il a dû privilégier les dépenses en équipement militaire américain pour lutter contre les guérillas colombiennes. L'intensification subséquente du conflit armé a accentué la violence au sein du territoire. Il en résulta la destruction d'infrastructures, ainsi qu'une migration de travailleurs qualifiés. La récession en a été d'autant plus accentuée. Ainsi l'ouverture débouche-t-elle sur la pire crise économique du XXème siècle en Colombie, avec une récession de -5% en 1999. Le quatrième chapitre enquête sur les changements des structures de production et d'échange suite à l'ouverture, pour ainsi montrer que ces changements n'ont que peu favorisé le développement. La Colombie tend à négliger sa spécialisation internationale historique dans le café et la plupart des cultures transitoires (blé, riz, orge, sorgo, coton, etc.) pour privilégier d'autres cultures dont les effets positifs sur le développement sont moindres. Bien que les hydrocarbures et d'autres matières brutes bénéficient d'un certain potentiel d'exportation, le développement des territoires où l'extraction a lieu reste faible. Se pose en outre un problème de soutenabilité de l'extraction. Enfin, si l'industrie manufacturière a pu croitre au rythme du régime de croissance, elle le doit à la protection dont elle bénéficie encore dans le cadre du traitement différentiel des pays en développement à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce et moins aux opportunités d'exportation données par l'ouverture. Le jour où ce traitement sera diminué voire supprimé, toute une partie de l'économie colombienne est menacée.
358 p. ; This thesis aims to understand the impact of the internal factors (internal production structures and conflicts between interest groups) for the international economic integration of Russia. The research combines the analysis in terms of international economics with that of international political economy (IPE). The former allows a detailed analysis of Russia's international specialisation in exchanges of goods and capital, while the latter provides the analytical framework for analysing the pattern of changes. Firstly, we show a growing dependency on the export of natural resources, independent of the geographical (political) circle of countries analyzed. Secondly, we argue that the analytical framework of the IPE should be adapted to the Russian context. So, the period of the 1990s is characterized by a large scope of personal arrangements and individualized relations within a captured and fragmented State. After the beginning of the 2000s, this situation is reversed given the centralization of the central State and a quest for more institutionalized relations between the State and firms. This thesis contains three parts. The first part presents an economic analysis of the integration of Russia into the world economy. The second part studies the evolution of Russia's internal institutional context. The third part compares the internal preferences towards economic integration with those of Russia's main trade partners, which are i) the Commonwealth of Independent States, ii) the European Union and iii) China and the United States. ; L'objet de la thèse est de comprendre l'impact des facteurs internes (structures de production internes, conflits de groupes d'intérêt domestiques) sur l'insertion économique internationale de la Russie. La recherche combine l'approche de l'économie internationale et celle de l'économie politique internationale (EPI). La première permet de construire une présentation pointue de la spécialisation internationale de la Russie dans les échanges de biens et de capitaux et de ses ...
358 p. ; This thesis aims to understand the impact of the internal factors (internal production structures and conflicts between interest groups) for the international economic integration of Russia. The research combines the analysis in terms of international economics with that of international political economy (IPE). The former allows a detailed analysis of Russia's international specialisation in exchanges of goods and capital, while the latter provides the analytical framework for analysing the pattern of changes. Firstly, we show a growing dependency on the export of natural resources, independent of the geographical (political) circle of countries analyzed. Secondly, we argue that the analytical framework of the IPE should be adapted to the Russian context. So, the period of the 1990s is characterized by a large scope of personal arrangements and individualized relations within a captured and fragmented State. After the beginning of the 2000s, this situation is reversed given the centralization of the central State and a quest for more institutionalized relations between the State and firms. This thesis contains three parts. The first part presents an economic analysis of the integration of Russia into the world economy. The second part studies the evolution of Russia's internal institutional context. The third part compares the internal preferences towards economic integration with those of Russia's main trade partners, which are i) the Commonwealth of Independent States, ii) the European Union and iii) China and the United States. ; L'objet de la thèse est de comprendre l'impact des facteurs internes (structures de production internes, conflits de groupes d'intérêt domestiques) sur l'insertion économique internationale de la Russie. La recherche combine l'approche de l'économie internationale et celle de l'économie politique internationale (EPI). La première permet de construire une présentation pointue de la spécialisation internationale de la Russie dans les échanges de biens et de capitaux et de ses évolutions alors que la deuxième en fournit une maquette d'analyse. Premièrement, l'on constate une dépendance croissante à l'égard des exportations de ressources naturelles, et ce, indépendamment du cercle géographique (ou politique) de partenaires étudié. Deuxièmement, l'on démontre la nécessité d'adapter la maquette de l'EPI au contexte russe. Ainsi, les années 1990 se caractérisent par l'ampleur des arrangements personnels et des relations individualisées dans un Etat capturé et fragmenté. A partir du début des années 2000, cette situation est remise en question avec une recentralisation de l'Etat et une recherche de relations institutionnalisées entre le décideur public et les entreprises. La thèse comporte trois parties. La première partie présente une analyse de la dimension économique de l'ouverture internationale de la Russie. La deuxième partie étudie l'évolution de son contexte institutionnel interne, notamment sa politique d'ouverture. La troisième partie met en relation les préférences internes à l'égard de l'ouverture avec les préférences des principaux partenaires économiques de la Russie, à savoir i) la Communauté des Etats Indépendants, ii) l'Union Européenne et iii) la Chine et les Etats-Unis.
Integration via economic activity (IEA) gathers different structures (associations andcompanies) that set to work unemployed in difficulty so that they may have a subsequent accessto employment. This thesis studies the action of federations of agencies for integration.Positioned at the interface between political and administrative officials and experts ofstructures for integration, these federations try to regulate tension and controverses within theIAE area. From an ethnographic survey based on participant observations and interviews withstakeholders of the IAE, this research first emphasizes strategic alliances and resistancebetween federations. The thesis then questions the involvment of the federations in the reformsof the IAE. If they claim to represent the interests of the IAE stakeholders, they also set themselves as representatives of government demands as far as «performance» and «goodmanagement» are concerned. Finally, this research shows the arrival of a new generation ofexperts in job integration, whose social trajectories and individual ambitions are ajusted to theneeds and expectations of these federations. This thesis is at the crossroads of a communitywork sociology and of policies in the field of employment and integration, and it also intendsto shed light on the problem of the social policies transformations implemented by theassociations. ; L'insertion par l'activité économique (IAE) regroupe des associations et des entreprises quimettent au travail des chômeurs « en difficulté » afin de faciliter leur accès ultérieur à l'emploi.Cette thèse se penche sur l'action des fédérations de structures d'insertion. Positionnées àl'interface entre les responsables politiques et administratifs et les professionnels des structuresd'insertion, ces fédérations tentent de réguler les tensions et les controverses au sein de l'espacede l'IAE. À partir d'une enquête ethnographique reposant sur des observations participantes etdes entretiens avec des acteurs de l'IAE, cette recherche met d'abord l'accent sur les ...
Integration via economic activity (IEA) gathers different structures (associations andcompanies) that set to work unemployed in difficulty so that they may have a subsequent accessto employment. This thesis studies the action of federations of agencies for integration.Positioned at the interface between political and administrative officials and experts ofstructures for integration, these federations try to regulate tension and controverses within theIAE area. From an ethnographic survey based on participant observations and interviews withstakeholders of the IAE, this research first emphasizes strategic alliances and resistancebetween federations. The thesis then questions the involvment of the federations in the reformsof the IAE. If they claim to represent the interests of the IAE stakeholders, they also set themselves as representatives of government demands as far as «performance» and «goodmanagement» are concerned. Finally, this research shows the arrival of a new generation ofexperts in job integration, whose social trajectories and individual ambitions are ajusted to theneeds and expectations of these federations. This thesis is at the crossroads of a communitywork sociology and of policies in the field of employment and integration, and it also intendsto shed light on the problem of the social policies transformations implemented by theassociations. ; L'insertion par l'activité économique (IAE) regroupe des associations et des entreprises quimettent au travail des chômeurs « en difficulté » afin de faciliter leur accès ultérieur à l'emploi.Cette thèse se penche sur l'action des fédérations de structures d'insertion. Positionnées àl'interface entre les responsables politiques et administratifs et les professionnels des structuresd'insertion, ces fédérations tentent de réguler les tensions et les controverses au sein de l'espacede l'IAE. À partir d'une enquête ethnographique reposant sur des observations participantes etdes entretiens avec des acteurs de l'IAE, cette recherche met d'abord l'accent sur les stratégiesd'alliance et d'opposition entre fédérations. La thèse interroge ensuite la participation de cesdernières aux réformes de l'IAE. Si les fédérations se présentent comme les représentantes desintérêts des acteurs de l'IAE, elles se posent également en relais des injonctions de l'État enmatière de « performance » et de « bonne gestion ». Enfin, la recherche montre l'avènementd'une nouvelle génération d'experts de l'insertion, aux trajectoires sociales et aux aspirationsindividuelles ajustées aux attentes de ces fédérations. À la croisée d'une sociologie du travailassociatif et des politiques d'insertion et d'emploi, cette thèse entend apporter un éclairage à laquestion des transformations des politiques sociales mises en oeuvre par les associations.
French edition (Paris, A. Colin, 1923) has title: Limpérialisma économique et les relations internationales pendant le dernier-demi-siècle (1870-1920). ; Bibliography: p. 171-178. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Most economic studies that have been done on Palestine are committed, whether explicitly or not, to overcome the ubiquity of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. Indeed, this is in line with standard economic thinking which places the market at the center of its interests, and overlooks "facts of power" in social relations. Yet, at the same time, they manage to show that politics is an obstacle to the flow of the economy, and therefore, express their wish that the latter becomes an alternative to the former. These works are dominant; they contribute to policy-making and guide the spending of international financial aid to Palestinians.By contrast, I consider the pauperization of Palestinian society a result of the colonial policy of dispossession. The consequences of this policy are manifest in the economic dependency of Palestinians, hence the loss of political autonomy. Indeed, since the British Mandate of Palestine, Zionist colonization of the country came at the expense of the Palestinian Arab presence. In Israel, after 1948, and in the newly occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, after 67, this process of dispossession went hand in hand with an economic integration that has continued until this day.In parallel, the peace process that had begun in Oslo in 1993 contributed to the modeling of a subjugated area integrated into neoliberal globalization under US hegemony. Thus, the transfer of funds established by international financial aid, the exhortation made by the international community to the Palestinians to participate in the economic growth and development, as well as the integration of the Palestinian economy in the Israeli economy and in globalization, should be considered highly political strategies to eliminate ostensibly relations of power, and therefore, invite Palestinians to accept their subjugation. In that sense, economics as well as politics, appear to be "war by other means". ; La majorité des travaux en économie sur la Palestine semblent déterminés par le projet, explicite ou non, de ...
Most economic studies that have been done on Palestine are committed, whether explicitly or not, to overcome the ubiquity of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. Indeed, this is in line with standard economic thinking which places the market at the center of its interests, and overlooks "facts of power" in social relations. Yet, at the same time, they manage to show that politics is an obstacle to the flow of the economy, and therefore, express their wish that the latter becomes an alternative to the former. These works are dominant; they contribute to policy-making and guide the spending of international financial aid to Palestinians.By contrast, I consider the pauperization of Palestinian society a result of the colonial policy of dispossession. The consequences of this policy are manifest in the economic dependency of Palestinians, hence the loss of political autonomy. Indeed, since the British Mandate of Palestine, Zionist colonization of the country came at the expense of the Palestinian Arab presence. In Israel, after 1948, and in the newly occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, after 67, this process of dispossession went hand in hand with an economic integration that has continued until this day.In parallel, the peace process that had begun in Oslo in 1993 contributed to the modeling of a subjugated area integrated into neoliberal globalization under US hegemony. Thus, the transfer of funds established by international financial aid, the exhortation made by the international community to the Palestinians to participate in the economic growth and development, as well as the integration of the Palestinian economy in the Israeli economy and in globalization, should be considered highly political strategies to eliminate ostensibly relations of power, and therefore, invite Palestinians to accept their subjugation. In that sense, economics as well as politics, appear to be "war by other means". ; La majorité des travaux en économie sur la Palestine semblent déterminés par le projet, explicite ou non, de ...
RESUME :Au cours des 15 dernières années, l'intégration financière au sein de la zone euro s'est effectuée enpartie à travers le développement de flux bancaires transfrontaliers. Cet article étudie lesconséquences macroéconomiques des prêts transfrontaliers à l'aide d'un modèle DSGE décrivantune union monétaire à deux pays estimé sur données allemandes et françaises. On observe que cesflux transfrontaliers affectent de manière significative la transmission internationale des chocsasymétriques. Ce canal transfrontalier a eu plus d'impact sur la France que sur l'Allemagne et arenforcé la diffusion des chocs financiers entre les deux pays. Enfin, les variations du taux directeurde la BCE sont devenues plus sensibles aux chocs de nature financière aux dépends des chocs réels. ; ABSTRACT :Over the past 15 years, financial integration in the Euro Area has been conducted in part through thedevelopment of cross-border bank flows. This article examines the macroeconomic consequencesof cross-border loans using a DSGE model of a monetary union estimated on German and Frenchcountry data. We find that cross-border facilities significantly affect the international transmissionof asymmetric shocks. This cross-border channel has had more impact on France as Germany andstrengthened the dissemination of financial shocks between the two countries. Finally, thevariations in the ECB's key rate became more sensitive to shocks of a financial nature at the expenseof real shocks. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published ; Special Issue30th Symposium on Money, Banking and FinanceGuest editors: Christian Aubin, Noëlle Duport andDaniel Goyeau
despite the conclusions of the liberal analysis, war and militarism appear in international economic relations because interests between states are often divergent. The sharing of rents of raw materials and the concrete conditions for economic competition create many opportunities for conflict. Under certain conditions, war is still an interesting situation and an opportunity for certain economic and political interests. The globalisation of international flows of goods, capital and information poses major risks, including shortages of food and raw materials, systemic financial crises and global cyber attacks. ; International audience This article questions the persistence of militarism in a globalized economy, contrary to the conclusions of the liberal economic theory. Globalization even seems to generate new sources of international conflict and new ways of waging war. ; despite the conclusions of the liberal analysis, war and militarism appear in international economic relations because interests between states are often divergent. The sharing of rents of raw materials and the concrete conditions for economic competition create many opportunities for conflict. Under certain conditions, war is still an interesting situation and an opportunity for certain economic and political interests. The globalisation of international flows of goods, capital and information poses major risks, including shortages of food and raw materials, systemic financial crises and global cyber attacks. ; Malgré les conclusions de l'analyse libérale, la guerre et le militarisme s'invitent dans les relations économiques internationales parce que les intérêts entre les Etats sont souvent divergents. Le partage des loyers des matières premières et les conditions concrètes de la concurrence économique créent de nombreuses opportunités de conflits. Dans certaines conditions, la guerre est toujours une situation intéressante et une opportunité pour certains intérêts économiques et politiques. La mondialisation des flux internationaux de ...
Whether we call them clusters, technopoles, campus or Knowledge Industries, these places, symbols and indices of metropolisation, multiply in the Western world. They aim to connect stakeholders in the production of knowledge and companies with the aim of stimulating the emergence of innovations. Our thesis work aims to question the production methods of these places, specifics by their form and their function, the system of stakeholders that is at the origin of them and their relationship to the territory, from a multi-scalar perspective. The spatial inscription of a campus or a cluster in its urban environment cannot be understood without an analysis of the relationships between the various stakeholders involved. We hypothesize that the interactions between the stakeholders of urban production and those of the university system and the production of knowledge are crucial to understanding the territorial integration of a cluster or a campus. These stakeholders are placed in a complex system of interactions that we have tried to explain. By comparing two self-proclaimed "exceptional" projects - the Paris-Saclay campus and the Skolkovo Innovation Center in Moscow, this thesis shows that historical, social and urban contexts are decisive factors in the appropriation of the "urban model" of campus-cluster and that the factors of acclimatization and translation remain powerful, even in a context of globalization. This work aims to highlight the paths of dependency, both in scientific and urban policies, that determine the spatial configuration of projects that showcase the knowledge economy ; Qu'on les dénomme clusters, technopoles, campus ou Knowledge Industries, on voit se multiplier dans le monde occidental ces lieux symboles et indices de la métropolisation. Ils visent à mettre en relation des acteurs de la production de savoirs et des entreprises dans l'objectif de favoriser l'émergence d'innovations. Notre travail de thèse vise à interroger les modalités de fabrique de ces lieux, spécifiques par leur forme et leur fonction, le système d'acteurs qui en est à l'origine et leur relation au territoire, dans une perspective multi-scalaire. L'inscription spatiale d'un campus ou d'un cluster dans son environnement urbain ne peut se comprendre sans procéder à une analyse des relations qu'entretiennent entre eux les différents acteurs impliqués. Nous faisons l'hypothèse que les interactions entre les acteurs de la production urbaine et ceux du système universitaire et de la production de connaissances sont déterminantes pour comprendre les modalités d'inscription territoriale d'un cluster ou d'un campus. Ces acteurs sont placés dans un système complexe d'interactions que nous avons tenté d'expliciter. En comparant deux projets autoproclamés « exceptionnels » - le campus de Paris-Saclay et le Centre d'innovation de Skolkovo à Moscou, cette thèse montre que les contextes historiques, sociaux et urbains constituent des facteurs décisifs dans l'appropriation d'un « modèle urbain » de cluster-campus et que les facteurs d'acclimatation et de traduction demeurent puissants, y compris dans un contexte de mondialisation. Ce travail vise à mettre en évidence les sentiers de dépendance, tant dans les politiques scientifiques que dans les politiques urbaines, qui déterminent la configuration spatiale des projets vitrines de l'économie de la connaissance
Francia. Forschungen zur westeuropäischen Geschichte (33/3-2006), p. 313-314. ; International audience ; Note de lecture d'un ouvrage sur les débuts de l'intégration économique et politique en Europe de l'Ouest, de 1947 à 1957.
Francia. Forschungen zur westeuropäischen Geschichte (33/3-2006), p. 313-314. ; International audience ; Note de lecture d'un ouvrage sur les débuts de l'intégration économique et politique en Europe de l'Ouest, de 1947 à 1957.
As most recent statistics show, international migration has become a phenomena of considerable magnitude, totaling over 232 million people. The impact of this phenomena on the countries of Europe has been substantial, having been felt in many domains. This paper will examine the question of whether the legal tools available to the European states are sufficient and appropriate in dealing with the outcomes of their immigration policy, most notably the aforementioned change in status. This research paper touches upon several legal aspects having to do with the status of migrants in the host European countries in which they have settled. As a case in point, this paper will specifically discuss the case of distinguished migrant groups- sharing such things as identical point of origin, ethnicity, culture, and language- who, as a result of their failure/inability to integrate into the broader society of the host country (resulting from hardships encountered due to language, culture, religion, discrimination or rejection which in turn encourage processes of social insulation/identity redicalization) become a differentiated cultural minority. This research paper will follow the process by which the status of these groups morphs, or rather mutates, from 'migrants' to that of a 'minority'. Part One will discuss the concept of 'minority', its field of application and the way in which international law and the legal institutions of the European Union understand it. Part Two will discuss the many implications of this change/mutation in status as it pertains to the different rights with which the group is endowed. ; Les flux migratoires dans le monde concernent aujourd'hui une population de près de deux cent trente-deux millions d'individus si on en croit les statistiques les plus récentes. L'impact de ce phénomène sur les pays d'Europe est considérable et porte sur de très nombreux domaines. Il s'agit d'analyser si les outils juridiques dont disposent les États d'Europe sont adaptés aux enjeux polymorphes de la gestion des flux migratoires. Notre étude porte sur certains des aspects juridiques relatifs aux statuts des populations migrantes dans les pays où elles se trouvent. Nous nous intéressons plus particulièrement au cas des populations immigrées, de même origine géographique, ethnique, linguistique, culturelle, et qui faisant souche dans un pays donné, s'y constituent en minorité par suite d'une incapacité à s'y intégrer pour des raisons multiples (difficultés linguistiques, culturelles, religieuses, discriminations diverses, repli communautaire, hostilité du pays d'accueil, etc.) La question à laquelle nous tentons d'apporter une réponse sur le plan juridique est celle de la mutation du statut« d'immigré» à celui de « minorité». Les définitions précises de ces notions, leurs champs d'application, la façon dont le droit international et les juridictions nationales et européennes les comprennent constitue la première étape de notre travail. Cette mutation statutaire, aux implications très nombreuses quant aux droits qui en découlent, est examinée dans ses implications juridiques.
