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The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.

Autorica istražuje mogućnost da se pesimizam etablira kao relevantan pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa u objašnjavanju kako prošlih, tako i budućih događaja u međunarodnoj politici. U radu se koristi metateorijska interpretativna metoda kako bi se iznijele neke od temeljnih niti vodilja misli pesimizma, pri čemu je fokus samo na klasičnom realizmu unutar realističke teorije, budući da su njezine postavke ujedno i temeljna izvorišta pesimizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se temeljne odrednice i biti realizma i pesimizma, drugi dio se fokusira na intelektualnu pozadinu pesimistične misli u radovima Schopenhauera, Nietzschea i Freuda, a posljednji dio iznosi kritiku optimizma i temeljne opreke u poimanju koncepta vremena između pesimizma i optimizma, kao i implikacije koje pesimizam ima za međunarodne odnose. Pesimizam kao pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa ima filozofsku snagu i jaku teorijsku pozadinu te može imati svoje mjesto unutar realističke teorije međunarodnih odnosa. ; The author evaluates the possibility of the concept of pessimism establishing itself as a relevant factor within the theory of realism in international relations, that is, for explaining past and future events in international politics. The approach applies the meta theoric interpretative method in order to expose some of the tenets of the leading pessimistic theories where the focus is on classical realism within the realistic theory, since its origins are also the fundamental origins of pessimism. The first part exposes the fundamental postulates and essence of realism and pessimism, while the second part focuses on the intellectual background of the pessimism thought found in the works of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Freud. The last part expose a criticism of optimism as well as the fundamental contradictions in understanding the concept of time between pessimism and optimism, as well as the implications of pessimism on international relations. Pessimism, as a part of the theory of realism in international ...

Država Izrael u svijetu je prepoznata po višetisućljetnoj židovskoj tradiciji i povijesti. Osim bogate kulture, prožete bliskoistočnim elementima, ali i onima doseljenika iz raznih zapadnih zemalja, Izrael uživa poseban imidž na međunarodnoj pozornici. Taj pak imidž ovisi o više faktora – s jedne strane Izrael predstavlja multikulturalnu zemlju poželjnu kao turističku destinaciju ili pak zemlju za ekonomske i tehnološke inovacije, dok s druge Izrael biva predstavljen u negativnom kontekstu kao vojnička država koja guši prava manjina, posebice arapske. Negativan imidž utječe na Izrael, kao i na svaku drugu državu. Međutim, diplomatskim aktivnostima i raznim projektima ta slika pokušava se iz dana u dan poboljšati. Suradnja između diplomatskih službenika i konzultanata odnosa s javnošću ima za cilj što efektivniju promociju Izraela. Iako je percepcija Izraela ponekad izrazito polarizirana, u poslovnom svijetu taj faktor ne utječe na njegovo gospodarstvo. Baš suprotno, za vrijeme sukoba ili ratnih kriza, izraelski BDP je rastao, a sve to zahvaljujući imidžu vrijednih i upornih ljudi koji uživa židovska populacija u ekonomskom svijetu. U političkom kontekstu, Izrael druge države dijeli na prijateljske, odnosno neprijateljske. Kod prijateljskih, većinom zapadnjačkih država, uživa veliku potporu i u vojnom i u gospodarskom smislu te negativno pisanje svjetski poznatih medija ne utječe na tu potporu. Ovaj rad istražuje strategije međunarodnih odnosa s javnošću i diplomacije Države Izrael kao brenda u međunarodnoj zajednici. Kroz kratak povijesni pregled predstavlja se razvoj metoda kojima se izgrađuje imidž Izraela na međunarodnoj pozornici, a stručnjaci i diplomati daju praktičan uvid u funkcioniranje javne diplomacije i odnosa s javnošću na razini jedne države. ; The State of Israel is renowed worldwide for its millenial Jewish tradition and history. Besides its rich culture, infused with Middle Eastern and Western flavours, Israel nurtures a distinctive image in the international arena. The image is influenced by ...

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.

Osim globalnih organizacija, u svijetu je formiran i velik broj regionalnih organizacija koje djeluju na svim kontinentima. Početni oblik integracije bilo je formiranje Zone slobodne trgovine, zatim Carinske unije, Zajedničkog tržišta, Monetarne unije, pa sve do najsloženijeg oblika Ekonomske unije. Danas sve zemlje svijeta sudjeluju u nekim oblicima integracija, dok su neke članice i više regionalnih organizacija. Proces integracije nije lak i jednostavan put, već dugotrajan i složen. Neki od razloga zašto se zemlje odlučuju ući u razne regionalne ekonomske organizacije su proširenje svog tržišta, povećanje konkurentnosti, bolje korištenje resursa, efikasnija proizvodnja i sl. Integracija podrazumijeva da se zemlje članice prilagode određenim pravilima, te da se povežu u smislu razvijanje međusobne suradnje i da tako ostvare cilj radi kojeg se organizacija i formirala. Kao primjer najuspješnije regionalne ekonomske organizacije zasigurno je Europska unija koja se formirala još davne 1951. godine te djeluje i danas s time da povećava broj svojih članica te širi svoj teritorij na Europskom kontinentu. ; In addition to global organizations, a lot of regional organizations have been formed across all continents. The initial form of integration was the establishment of a Free-trade zone, then a Customs Union, a Common Market, a Monetary Union, and finally the most complex form of organization an Economic Union. Today all countries in the world participate in some form of integration, and some even participate in multiple regional organizations. The integration process is not an easy and simple process, but a long and complex one. Some of the reasons why countries decide to participate in various regional economic organizations are the expansion of their markets, increase of competitiveness, better use of resources, more efficient production etc. The integration means that Member States have to conform to certain rules, and to connect in terms of development cooperation, in order to achieve the goal for which the organization was formed. An example of one the most successful regional economic organizations is certainly the European Union, which was formed back in 1951. It is still active today, increasing the number of its members and expanding its territory on the European continent.

Osim globalnih organizacija, u svijetu je formiran i velik broj regionalnih organizacija koje djeluju na svim kontinentima. Početni oblik integracije bilo je formiranje Zone slobodne trgovine, zatim Carinske unije, Zajedničkog tržišta, Monetarne unije, pa sve do najsloženijeg oblika Ekonomske unije. Danas sve zemlje svijeta sudjeluju u nekim oblicima integracija, dok su neke članice i više regionalnih organizacija. Proces integracije nije lak i jednostavan put, već dugotrajan i složen. Neki od razloga zašto se zemlje odlučuju ući u razne regionalne ekonomske organizacije su proširenje svog tržišta, povećanje konkurentnosti, bolje korištenje resursa, efikasnija proizvodnja i sl. Integracija podrazumijeva da se zemlje članice prilagode određenim pravilima, te da se povežu u smislu razvijanje međusobne suradnje i da tako ostvare cilj radi kojeg se organizacija i formirala. Kao primjer najuspješnije regionalne ekonomske organizacije zasigurno je Europska unija koja se formirala još davne 1951. godine te djeluje i danas s time da povećava broj svojih članica te širi svoj teritorij na Europskom kontinentu. ; In addition to global organizations, a lot of regional organizations have been formed across all continents. The initial form of integration was the establishment of a Free-trade zone, then a Customs Union, a Common Market, a Monetary Union, and finally the most complex form of organization an Economic Union. Today all countries in the world participate in some form of integration, and some even participate in multiple regional organizations. The integration process is not an easy and simple process, but a long and complex one. Some of the reasons why countries decide to participate in various regional economic organizations are the expansion of their markets, increase of competitiveness, better use of resources, more efficient production etc. The integration means that Member States have to conform to certain rules, and to connect in terms of development cooperation, in order to achieve the goal for which the ...

Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration. ; Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration.

Bugarsko-hrvatski politički odnosi jedna su od relativno slabo istraženih tema unatoč povijesnoj, zemljopisnoj i jezičnoj bliskosti dvaju naroda. Cilj je ovoga rada istražiti veze između Bugara i Hrvata nakon početka demokratskih promjena u dvjema zemljama, od 1990. do danas, s naglaskom na njihov politički aspekt. U tom će smislu članak prikazati veze među vođama dviju zemalja, njihove bilateralne susrete, teme od zajedničkoga interesa, uzajamne inicijative, diplomatska nastojanja, postignute dogovore i geste dobre volje. Prikaz tih aktivnosti pokazuje da su bugarsko-hrvatski odnosi bili saveznički i prijateljski. U tekstu su korišteni arhivski i službeni dokumenti različitih institucija, izvori objavljeni u medijima kao i razgovori s protagonistima događaja. ; Bulgarian-Croatian political relations date back to the creation of the two states. Bulgaria and Croatia are bound by historical, geographical, linguistic, and last but not least political ties. This article examines the political relations between Bulgarians and Croats over a 25-year period – from the beginning of the democratic changes in 1990 to 2015. The analysis shows that, throughout this period, despite the ruling ideological paradigm in Sofia and Zagreb, the relations between the two countries were filled with goodwill, partnerships, mutual support, and formal and informal gestures. Such good cooperation manifested most clearly in moments of crisis for the two states – the wars in the early 1990s in former Yugoslavia, the crisis involving the Bulgarian medical workers in Libya, the recognition of Kosovo, the collapse of the Gaddafi regime, and others. The bilateral relations of these countries on the highest political level have become extremely intense after the beginning of the 21st century. The relations that developed when both countries were on the road to membership in the EU and NATO, and after both became members of these two organizations, serve to deepen the political ties between Bulgaria and Croatia.

Ovaj članak proučava razvoj rumunjsko-jugoslavenskih odnosa od 1948. do 1964. godine. Istražuju se dva različita razdoblja u njihovim odnosima. Prvo je od 1948. do 1953. godine, kad je došlo do sovjetsko-jugoslavenskog i rumunjsko-jugoslavenskog sukoba koji je, zapravo, predstavljao presedan koji će postupno razoriti jedinstvo socijalističkog tabora. Za drugo razdoblje (od 1954. do 1964.) vezani su početak normalizacije i zbližavanje Bukurešta i Beograda. To je odgovaralo njihovim nacionalnim interesima i predstavljalo je protutežu politici supersila. U vanjskoj politici dviju zemalja odražavali su se ideološka neslaganja i potreba za društveno-ekonomskim razvojem, a osjećao se i snažan utjecaj i iz komunističkog bloka i izvan njega. ; This article examines the evolution of the Romanian-Yugoslav relations from 1948 to1964. The study explores two different periods in the relations of these two countries. The first period was from 1948 to 1953, when the Soviet-Yugoslav and Roman-Yugoslav conflicts occurred, practically constituting a precedent that would gradually ruin the unity of the socialist camp. The second period (1954 – 1964) corresponds with the beginning of the normalization, bringing Bucharest and Belgrade even closer and aiming to satisfy their national interests and counterbalance the policy of the superpowers. Ideological divergences and the need for socio-economic development were reflected in the character of the foreign policies of the two countries, which were under a strong influence of interventions from inside and outside the communist bloc.

Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.

Globalizacija i povećana međunarodna međuovisnost pridonose tomu da se ponovno povećava interes utjecaja strukture međunarodnog sustava na međunarodne odnose. Međunarodni sustav od kraja Hladnog rata neprestano proživljava promjene. One se najviše odlikuju u političkim i sigurnosnim novitetima. U takvim je uvjetima struktura sustava postala glavnom odrednicom ponašanja država koje se, promatrajući ih kroz perspektivu strukturalnog realizma ili neorealizma, ponašaju isključivo u skladu s vlastitim interesima, u uvjetima anarhičnog sustava. S obzirom na geopolitički položaj te veličinu Hrvatskoj je izrazito bitno čvrsto članstvo unutar NATO-saveza i Europske Unije. Kontekst razvoja sigurnosti i obrane time postaje više usmjeren na činjenicu da se zemlje članice saveza obvezuju pomagati jedna drugoj u slučaju pojave ugroze, te se time jača stabilnost nacionalne sigurnosti potrebne da se omoguće dugoročni mir i stabilnost u zemlji, ali i u susjedstvu. Kao središnji i konstantan fenomen u proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa, savezi nastaju jer su vlade svih razvijenih država svjesne da su dio jednog većeg entiteta u međunarodnoj politici u kojoj, prema postavkama neorealističke škole među-narodnih odnosa, postoje prijetnje koje su uzroci stvaranja saveza. ; Globalisation and increased international interdependence have contributed to the fact that once again the interest of the impact on the structure of the international system to international relations is increased. The international system, since the end of the Cold War, is constantly going through changes. They are the most distinguished in political and security innovations. In such circumstances, the structure of the system has become the main determinant of behaviour of states that, looking through the perspective of structural realism or neorealism, act solely pursuing their own interest, in terms of an anarchic system. Given the geopolitical position and size of the country, it is extremely important for Croatia to have a firm membership within the NATO and the European Union. The context of development of security and defence thus becomes more focused on the fact that the member states of the alliance commit to assist each other in case of threats, so the stability of national security needed to enable long-term peace and stability in the country, but also the neighbourhood, is strengthened. As a central and constant phenomenon in the study of international relations, alliances are formed because the governments of all developed countries are aware that they are part of a larger entity in international politics, in which, according to the neorealist school of international relations, there are threats that cause creating alliances.

Ovaj rad govori o indijsko-pakistanskim odnosima, a u središtu je pozornosti njihov sukob koji je nastao osamostaljenjem od Britanije te podjelom teritorija na dvije države. U radu se daje povijesni pregled koji slijedi hipotezu da povijesni odnosi, u kombinaciji s trenutnim vodstvima tih dviju država, upućuju na mogućnost ponovnog izbijanja sukoba koji bi mogao prerasti u regionalni, pa čak i svjetski problem. Nadalje, daje se pregled trenutnih odnosa i savezništava sukobljenih strana. Nastavno na početnu hipotezu, prikazan je scenarij nuklearnog sukoba koji bi stvorio neizmjernu štetu za regije Kašmir i Džammu. One većinom industrijski ovise o prirodi, a upravo se oko njih vodi glavni sukob. U zaključku se nazire doza optimizma jer se velike sile najvjerojatnije neće direktno uključiti u mogući ratni sukob, no mnoge opasnosti ipak postoje. Povijest ukazuje na mogućnost da Indija i Pakistan zarate i po peti put. Moglo bi se očekivati da će provokacija rata ponovno doći s pakistanske strane, a trenutnom indijskom vodstvu ne bi dugo trebalo da na takvu provokaciju odgovori. ; This paper deals with the subject of India-Pakistan relations with a primary focus on the conflict which arose between them due to gaining independence from Britain and the subsequent division of territory into the two countries. This paper provides a historical overview which follows the hypothesis that historical relations combined with the two countries' current leaderships indicate the possibility of conflict recurrence that could evolve into a regional and even global problem. Furthermore, it gives an overview of the conflicting parties' current relations and alliances. Following the initial hypothesis, a scenario is presented of a nuclear conflict that would inflict immense damage on the Kashmir and Jammu regions if realised. They both have industries that rely primarily on natural resources and it is these regions that are the focal points of the conflict. The conclusion allows for some optimism, as the great powers most likely would not become directly involved in the possible armed conflict. However, many dangers persist. History suggests that India and Pakistan could go to war for the fifth time. A war-provoking act can be expected to once again come from the Pakistani side, and the current Indian leadership would not much hesitate to respond to such provocation.

U radu se obrađuje problematika odnosa načela uzajamnog priznavanja i povjerenja te provjere dvostruke kažnjivosti, koja zaokuplja veliku pozornost stručnih krugova u području međunarodne pravosudne suradnje sa težištem na kaznenim stvarima. U uvodnom dijelu rada prikazuje se struktura zakonske podloge Europske unije, potom se analizira načelo uzajamnog povjerenja kao strukturno načelo ustavnog prava EU, njegovo porijeklo i kontekst u svjetlu odluka Europskog suda za ljudska prava. Središnji dio rada problematizira načelo provjere dvostruke kažnjivosti s obzirom na različite oblike dvostruke kažnjivosti bez unificirane primjene tog pojma u pravosudnoj suradnji, a što kolidira sa načelom uzajamnog povjerenja te time dovodi do problema u međunarodnoj pravosudnoj suradnji. Potom se iznosi i odnos Republike Hrvatske prema načelu uzajamnog povjerenja s osvrtom na odluke Ustavnog suda RH i Vrhovnog suda RH te zaključno završna ocjena značaja načela uzajamnog priznavanja u međudržavnoj pravosudnoj suradnji u kaznenim stvarima. ; The paper elaborates the problems of the relation between the principle of mutual recognition and trust and the verification of double criminality, which attract great attention of experts in the field of international judicial cooperation with a focus on criminal matters. In the introductory part of the paper, the structure of the legal foundations of the European Union is shown, then the principle of mutual trust as a structural principle of the constitutional rights of the EU, its origin and context in the light of the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights. The central part of the paper inquires into the problems of the principle of double criminality in regard to the various forms of double criminality with no uniform application of its term in judicial cooperation and thus collides with the principle of mutual trust in way that leads to problems in the international judicial cooperation. Afterwards, the paper outlines the relation of the Republic of Croatia towards the principle of mutual trust with regard to the decision of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court and concludes with the final analysis of importance of the principle of mutual recognition in transnational judicial cooperation in criminal matters.

Geneza i razvoj specijalne policije u Republici Hrvatskoj nerazdvojan je i paralelan proces sa stvaranjem, izgradnjom, razvojem i djelovanjem hrvatske države, koji svoje izvorište ima u Domovinskom ratu. Hrvatska je već dokazala odlučnost u borbi protiv terorizma, što možemo identificirati kroz nekoliko ključnih faza razvoja međunarodnih odnosa i koalicija: aktivno uključivanje u antiterorističku međunarodnu koaliciju, odnosno ulazak u Vijeće sigurnosti Ujedinjenih naroda i suradnja u okviru Europske unije, te integracija u NATO i pristupanje organizaciji Atlas, mreži specijalnih policijskih postrojbi Europske unije. Takav pristup međunarodnoj suradnji možemo promatrati u kontekstu jačanja unutarnjeg sigurnosnog sustava Republike Hrvatske, a uključivanje specijalne policije u organizaciju Atlas kao jasnu poruku integriranja Hrvatske u međunarodnu antiterorističku koaliciju. ; The genesis and development of special police units in the Republic of Croatia is an inseparable and parallel process with the creation, development and activity of the Croatian state with its origins in the Croatian War of Independence. The Republic of Croatia has already demonstrated its determination in the fight against terrorism. It can be identified through several key phases of the development of international relations and coalitions: the active participation in the anti-terrorist international coalition, i.e. the involvement in the United Nations Security Council and the cooperation within the frameworks of the European Union, the integration into NATO alliance and the accession to the Atlas Network. This approach to international cooperation can be viewed in the context of strengthening internal security system of the Republic of Croatia, while the involvement of special police units in the Atlas Network can be seen as a clear message of the integration of the Republic of Croatia in the international anti-terrorist coalition.

Nova euroatlanska civilizatorska misija u hrvatskom prostoru objašnjava se nesposobnošću hrvatske političke vlasti da sama upravlja svojim prostorom, s obzirom na unutarnje etničke netrpeljivosti i nejedinstvo te posljedični manjak samosvijesti zbog koje joj je nužna zaštita Europske unije i NATO-a. Sistemska regulacija međudržavnih odnosa u hrvatskom prostoru tako se je ponovno zatekla u škripu hrvatskog identitarnog bipolarizma, koji počiva na dvama naizgled oprečnim hrvatskim idealima (vjerskom i nacionalnom). Stoga se dobiva dojam da dvije hrvatske tendencije, pripadnost oksidentalnoj vjerskoj, ali slavenskoj zajednici naroda, ne mogu djelovati simultano, nego samo naizmjenično. Iako je upravo jednostrana, naizmjenična eksploatacija hrvatskog dualnog identiteta izvor je svih tragedija Hrvata modernog doba. ; The paper deals with the complexity of international relations regulation in the globalization context and in the cramp iron of Croatian identitarian bipolarism, by the systemic method in the path of Edgar Morin's complexity thought. The author proves that insufficient synchronization of the two opposing and complementary identities of the Croatian space, Latin and Slavophilic, is the product of systemic crisis and the producer of identity crisis. An autonomous foreign policy concept that clearly defines the boundaries of the Croatian regulation system within the European and global regulatory regime, as well as the institution of a strong president acting as an external regulator of Croatian identitarian specificity, are key preconditions for the sustainable development of the Croatian space. In the exit period of the current globalisation cycle (1990-2020), the required variation of the Croatian governing system is diminishing, and external threats are more numerous after the mutation of the Anglo-American regulation system, which defines a new direction for the forthcoming globalization cycle. Without increasing the required variation, insufficient regulation of the Croatian space leads to a new general crisis.