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The main objective of the article is a critical evaluation of the concepts of economic security which are based on the assumptionof the state as a unit of analysis, how these concepts are analysed in scholarship and used to support applied measures of economic security policy. The article also aims at answering the question what is and ought to be the concept of economic security in current Lithuanian politics. The authors do not strive to solve an old and essential problem of social sciences – the methodological choice between individualistic and collectivistic analysis. The goal of the article is just to show the main contradictions in theoretical analysis and political practices between those two approaches when dealing with the problems of economic security. The article admits the wide spread usage of the holistic approach and the fact of policies being based on this approach. However, the use of these measures often causes negative consequences – not only weakening of economic security of individuals, but, in the long run, of states as supra-individual institutions. To expose those measures and inconsistencies is another goal of the article. On the one hand, this makes the analysis more normative, on the other hand, it provides more insights on the topic. The article discusses the concept of economic security, different levels and scope of its analysis. Two different approaches – holistic and individualistic – and their interrelations are presented in more detailed way. The main focus is on how these two different approaches understand and use the concept of threats, as well as the impact of collective measures of economic security and their impact on individuals.

The main objective of the article is a critical evaluation of the concepts of economic security which are based on the assumptionof the state as a unit of analysis, how these concepts are analysed in scholarship and used to support applied measures of economic security policy. The article also aims at answering the question what is and ought to be the concept of economic security in current Lithuanian politics. The authors do not strive to solve an old and essential problem of social sciences – the methodological choice between individualistic and collectivistic analysis. The goal of the article is just to show the main contradictions in theoretical analysis and political practices between those two approaches when dealing with the problems of economic security. The article admits the wide spread usage of the holistic approach and the fact of policies being based on this approach. However, the use of these measures often causes negative consequences – not only weakening of economic security of individuals, but, in the long run, of states as supra-individual institutions. To expose those measures and inconsistencies is another goal of the article. On the one hand, this makes the analysis more normative, on the other hand, it provides more insights on the topic. The article discusses the concept of economic security, different levels and scope of its analysis. Two different approaches – holistic and individualistic – and their interrelations are presented in more detailed way. The main focus is on how these two different approaches understand and use the concept of threats, as well as the impact of collective measures of economic security and their impact on individuals.

The main objective of the article is a critical evaluation of the concepts of economic security which are based on the assumptionof the state as a unit of analysis, how these concepts are analysed in scholarship and used to support applied measures of economic security policy. The article also aims at answering the question what is and ought to be the concept of economic security in current Lithuanian politics. The authors do not strive to solve an old and essential problem of social sciences – the methodological choice between individualistic and collectivistic analysis. The goal of the article is just to show the main contradictions in theoretical analysis and political practices between those two approaches when dealing with the problems of economic security. The article admits the wide spread usage of the holistic approach and the fact of policies being based on this approach. However, the use of these measures often causes negative consequences – not only weakening of economic security of individuals, but, in the long run, of states as supra-individual institutions. To expose those measures and inconsistencies is another goal of the article. On the one hand, this makes the analysis more normative, on the other hand, it provides more insights on the topic. The article discusses the concept of economic security, different levels and scope of its analysis. Two different approaches – holistic and individualistic – and their interrelations are presented in more detailed way. The main focus is on how these two different approaches understand and use the concept of threats, as well as the impact of collective measures of economic security and their impact on individuals.

The main objective of the article is a critical evaluation of the concepts of economic security which are based on the assumptionof the state as a unit of analysis, how these concepts are analysed in scholarship and used to support applied measures of economic security policy. The article also aims at answering the question what is and ought to be the concept of economic security in current Lithuanian politics. The authors do not strive to solve an old and essential problem of social sciences – the methodological choice between individualistic and collectivistic analysis. The goal of the article is just to show the main contradictions in theoretical analysis and political practices between those two approaches when dealing with the problems of economic security. The article admits the wide spread usage of the holistic approach and the fact of policies being based on this approach. However, the use of these measures often causes negative consequences – not only weakening of economic security of individuals, but, in the long run, of states as supra-individual institutions. To expose those measures and inconsistencies is another goal of the article. On the one hand, this makes the analysis more normative, on the other hand, it provides more insights on the topic. The article discusses the concept of economic security, different levels and scope of its analysis. Two different approaches – holistic and individualistic – and their interrelations are presented in more detailed way. The main focus is on how these two different approaches understand and use the concept of threats, as well as the impact of collective measures of economic security and their impact on individuals.

Intro -- Obsah -- Předmluva -- Úvod -- Kdo zaplatí životní pojistky z období holokaustu? -- Příležitost za železnou oponou -- Kampaň proti České republice, Maďarsku a Polsku -- Vznik ICHEIC -- Pojišťovnictví v meziválečném Československu -- Regulace soukromých pojišťoven -- Pád pojišťovny Fénix a jeho vliv na pojišťovací trh -- Pojišťovnictví před Mnichovem -- Hitlerův "pojišťovací" agent -- Co s válečným rizikem -- Od Mnichova k okupaci -- Politické, hospodářské a sociální změny v novém státě -- Nové poměry na pojišťovacím trhu a rozdělení vlivu -- Křišťálová noc jako pojistná událost -- Protektorát Čechy a Morava -- Správa Protektorátu -- Regulace a instituce protektorátního pojišťovnictví -- Konsolidace a majetkové poměry protektorátního pojišťovnictví -- Vývoj životního a elementárního pojištění -- Zajištění v době války -- Když v Protektorátu hořely synagogy -- Odboj a pojišťovny -- Arizace a konfiskace pojistných smluv -- Přímá a nepřímá konfiskace pojistek -- Majetkový úřad -- Struktura arizovaných pojistek -- Závěrem -- Příloha -- Pojišťovnictví v novém Československu - říjen 1938 -- Seznam zkratek -- Seznam pramenů a literatury -- Seznam vyobrazení -- Summary -- Jmenný rejstřík -- Rejstřík pojišťoven a institucí.

The former manifests in cases when the official negotiating a transaction with the briber invokes administ- rative, material and financial resources of the institution that he/she represents only. In these cases interference of the hierarchically above-standing organizations or legislature is unnecessary. Political corruption determined by supply manifests in participation of political layers in corrupt transactions. Transactions of this kind can be implemented completely only after political approval is received or after special changes of legal norms have been passed. According to range of corrupt relations in organizations narrow-range and systematic corruption are distinguished. Narrow-range corruption manifests in cases when the solution of a problem that is important to the briber depends on one or a few corrupt persons only. Political corruption manifests in cases where solution of a certain problem in corrupt ways is a feature of the whole organization and different layers of organization (for example, separate departrnents) that take part in the process. According to subordination of layers of organization horizontai and vertical corruption are distinguished. HorizontaI corruption manifests when an important question (permit, licence, regulation) is being solved in a corrupt way in different parallel and unsubordinated departrnents of organization. Vertical corruption manifests in cases when a chain of corrupt acts unites persons standing on different steps of hierarchy. The practice reveals that horizontaI corruption in the last segment of a chain often turns to a vertical one while vertical corruption is practically impossible without support of horizontal segrnents of the chain.

The former manifests in cases when the official negotiating a transaction with the briber invokes administ- rative, material and financial resources of the institution that he/she represents only. In these cases interference of the hierarchically above-standing organizations or legislature is unnecessary. Political corruption determined by supply manifests in participation of political layers in corrupt transactions. Transactions of this kind can be implemented completely only after political approval is received or after special changes of legal norms have been passed. According to range of corrupt relations in organizations narrow-range and systematic corruption are distinguished. Narrow-range corruption manifests in cases when the solution of a problem that is important to the briber depends on one or a few corrupt persons only. Political corruption manifests in cases where solution of a certain problem in corrupt ways is a feature of the whole organization and different layers of organization (for example, separate departrnents) that take part in the process. According to subordination of layers of organization horizontai and vertical corruption are distinguished. HorizontaI corruption manifests when an important question (permit, licence, regulation) is being solved in a corrupt way in different parallel and unsubordinated departrnents of organization. Vertical corruption manifests in cases when a chain of corrupt acts unites persons standing on different steps of hierarchy. The practice reveals that horizontaI corruption in the last segment of a chain often turns to a vertical one while vertical corruption is practically impossible without support of horizontal segrnents of the chain.

The former manifests in cases when the official negotiating a transaction with the briber invokes administ- rative, material and financial resources of the institution that he/she represents only. In these cases interference of the hierarchically above-standing organizations or legislature is unnecessary. Political corruption determined by supply manifests in participation of political layers in corrupt transactions. Transactions of this kind can be implemented completely only after political approval is received or after special changes of legal norms have been passed. According to range of corrupt relations in organizations narrow-range and systematic corruption are distinguished. Narrow-range corruption manifests in cases when the solution of a problem that is important to the briber depends on one or a few corrupt persons only. Political corruption manifests in cases where solution of a certain problem in corrupt ways is a feature of the whole organization and different layers of organization (for example, separate departrnents) that take part in the process. According to subordination of layers of organization horizontai and vertical corruption are distinguished. HorizontaI corruption manifests when an important question (permit, licence, regulation) is being solved in a corrupt way in different parallel and unsubordinated departrnents of organization. Vertical corruption manifests in cases when a chain of corrupt acts unites persons standing on different steps of hierarchy. The practice reveals that horizontaI corruption in the last segment of a chain often turns to a vertical one while vertical corruption is practically impossible without support of horizontal segrnents of the chain.

The former manifests in cases when the official negotiating a transaction with the briber invokes administ- rative, material and financial resources of the institution that he/she represents only. In these cases interference of the hierarchically above-standing organizations or legislature is unnecessary. Political corruption determined by supply manifests in participation of political layers in corrupt transactions. Transactions of this kind can be implemented completely only after political approval is received or after special changes of legal norms have been passed. According to range of corrupt relations in organizations narrow-range and systematic corruption are distinguished. Narrow-range corruption manifests in cases when the solution of a problem that is important to the briber depends on one or a few corrupt persons only. Political corruption manifests in cases where solution of a certain problem in corrupt ways is a feature of the whole organization and different layers of organization (for example, separate departrnents) that take part in the process. According to subordination of layers of organization horizontai and vertical corruption are distinguished. HorizontaI corruption manifests when an important question (permit, licence, regulation) is being solved in a corrupt way in different parallel and unsubordinated departrnents of organization. Vertical corruption manifests in cases when a chain of corrupt acts unites persons standing on different steps of hierarchy. The practice reveals that horizontaI corruption in the last segment of a chain often turns to a vertical one while vertical corruption is practically impossible without support of horizontal segrnents of the chain.