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The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

This study aims to explore the concept of authoritarianism, which – presented in terms of the "wicked problem" of the contemporary world – seems to be a severe challenge to present-day International Relations (IR), both in theoretical and practical dimensions. The author of the article defines the concept of authoritarianism as a form of the political system in which the power and material resources of the state have been centralized, appropriated, and put at the disposal of either an individual or an elitist group "in power." In this way, the possibilities of integrating the authoritarian state – both in the political and economic dimension – with the global system of international relations are limited, and the vital administrative institutions of the state have been manipulated and appropriated. The applied research method allows for interpreting the discussed issues in a complex – albeit specific – systemic form, characteristic not only for politically fragile or declining countries and regions but also for politically stable and economically developed ones. The author's analysis allows for the presentation and reinterpretation of the issue of contemporary authoritarian regimes concerning international relations in terms that not only define but often legitimize – and repeatedly even validate – some of the most despotic, autocratic, and hegemonistic forms of the political systems in modern times.

International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of cooperation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system. ; International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of cooperation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system.

Stosunki międzynarodowe są postacią działania ludzi, dlatego powinny stać się obiektem zainteresowania prakseologii jako nauki nastawionej na sprawność działania. Dotychczasowe rozumienie sprawności musi być jednak odmienne od tradycyjnego. Zgodnie z propozycją zawartą w artykule, ludzkie działanie dzieli się na trzy działy – współpracę, walkę oraz rywalizację , którym odpowiadają trzy rodzaje teorii. Charakterystyczne jest to, że współpraca jest grą o sumie dodatniej, walka – grą o sumie ujemnej, natomiast rywalizacja – grą o sumie zerowej. Teoria stosunków międzynarodowych powinna skupiać się na teorii rywalizacji, rozpostartej pomiędzy współpracą a walką. Oznacza to, że teoria stosunków międzynarodowych powinna opierać się na zasadach współpracy i zasadach walki, a teoria polityki międzynarodowej państwa powinna być teorią sterowania w systemie gry o sumie zerowej. ; International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of co- operation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system.

The author distinguishes threats to international security from challenges faced by the security policy of states and collective international actors but approaches them as a certain continuum. The following phenomena are considered threats and challenges in the second decade of the 21st century: military threats (nuclear weapons and their proliferation, conventional weapons and huge military spending), terrorism, other threats (cybernetic, economic and energy-related, ecological), as well as the migration challenge. A separate major challenge, which the author analyses in detail, is the reconfiguration of the international order that has been taking place for more than a decade now. The author believes that this reconfiguration constitutes a serious challenge to the West, including to its security policy. In order to take up this challenge, benefit from it and prevent the emergence of new threats to international security, the West needs to not only consolidate its security system but also engage in dialogue and cooperation with the emerging competitors and rivals challenging the West's global leadership (the emerging powers from BRICS), as the American political scientist Charles Kupchan proposed in 2010, emphasising that lasting peace can be achieved by turning enemies into friends. It is, however, uncertain what kind of foreign policy will be conducted by the new US President, Donald Trump, elected in November 2016.

The aim of this work is to present the role of Poland in the system of international relations governed by the principles of (neo) liberalism, mainly in the context of crisis phenomena taking place in the West. The hypothesis of this article is as follows: the downturn in Western liberal structures may lead to the modification of the functions and legal and economic system of the Polish state, undermining the principles and rules of liberal democracy applicable there. The turbulence to which the liberal structures of the West are subject may be problematic for those states that have identified their longterm interests with the phenomena of globalization/liberalization and do not have their own strategies of action and more autonomous tools to achieve national goals. Should the western zone weaken, there may be a possibility not only of a geopolitical transformation but also of significant political and economic transformations in countries like Poland. The state may fall into the zone of influence of the new center in a geographical or functional sense, which will impose a different civilization model, based on alternative economic principles and institutional solutions, violating the rights of individuals, minorities, and private businesses. The compulsion to adapt to the new rules that will emerge as a consequence of lowering the role of liberal institutions, the foundations of which are not yet known, may lead to a reduction in the level of protection of citizens and capital in the region. The work includes comments on the functioning of the (neo) liberal system of international relations, the socio-political transformation of Central and Eastern European countries, and Polish internal/foreign policy in the face of the crisis in the Western zone. ; W artykule podjęto próbę przedstawienia roli Polski w systemie stosunków międzynarodowych regulowanym zasadami (neo)liberalizmu, głównie w kontekście zjawisk kryzysowych rozgrywających się na Zachodzie. Postawiono następującą hipotezę: dekoniunktura zachodnich ...

The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.

The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.

"Niniejsza monografia naukowa jest pierwszą w literaturze polskiej, która przedstawia kompleksową analizę podjętego tematu, tym samym poszerza naszą wiedzę o współczesnej polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej i jej obecności na płaszczyźnie bilateralnej i multilateralnej w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej. Zawiera także informacje o próbach rosyjskich polityków w zakresie realizacji Projektu Wielkiego Partnerstwa Euroazjatyckiego. Temat pracy nie doczekał się w polskiej literaturze naukowej kompleksowej analizy. Zwrot Federacji Rosyjskiej ku Azji, w tym Azji Południowo-Wschodniej, podyktowany był i jest względami polityki zagranicznej, tzw. wektorem wschodnim, szczególnie od czasu aneksji Krymu. Ponadto ASEAN odgrywa istotną rolę w umacnianiu poczucia podmiotowości Federacji Rosyjskiej i równowagi na międzynarodowej arenie azjatyckiej, szczególnie wobec partnera chińskiego. Temat jest jak najbardziej aktualny, ponieważ analizowana polityka zagraniczna Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Azji Południowo-Wschodniej najprawdopodobniej będzie intensywnie ewoluowała w kolejnych latach, szczególnie w kontekście pogarszających się relacji Rosji z szeroko pojmowanym Zachodem."--

"Książka "Współczesne trendy bezpieczeństwa biznesu. Problemy i wyzwania gospodarek wschodnich" jest opracowaniem naukowym, które zostało poparte badaniami empirycznymi i studiami przypadków. Monografia ta jest rezultatem wspólnych i indywidualnych międzynarodowych prac badających trendy, problemy i wyzwania stojące przed gospodarkami wschodnimi, zwłaszcza w zakresie bezpieczeństwa biznesu. Cykliczność publikowania wyników badań zapewnia ciągłość i aktualność uczestniczenia w problematyce funkcjonowania współczesnych przedsiębiorstw w międzynarodowym, turbulentnym otoczeniu. Poprzednie publikacje, które powstały w ramach współpracy studentów, doktorantów, pracowników naukowo-badawczych, przedstawicieli samorządów i biznesu, były koordynowane przez Centrum Współpracy Naukowo-Badawczej: Polska-Ukraina, istniejące na Wydziale Zarządzania Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego i w Ługańskim Narodowym Uniwersytecie im. T. Szewczenki na Ukrainie. W aktualną koordynację bardzo aktywnie włączyło się Studenckie Koło Naukowe ManageTeam oraz Katedra Grup Dyspozycyjnych z Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego. W realizacji kompleksowych badań pomógł międzynarodowy projekt NAWA, dotyczący mobilności naukowej Polska-Ukraina na lata 2020/2021. Monografia zawiera tylko część rezultatów badań w postaci popularnonaukowych artykułów. Pozostała część zaprezentowana została na III Międzynarodowej Konferencji Naukowo-Badawczej w obszarze Zarządzania, Ekonomii, Marketingu i Socjologii w perspektywie wielokulturowości w dniu 27 kwietnia 2021 roku oraz na VI Międzynarodowym Seminarium Naukowym "Współczesne trendy bezpieczeństwa biznesu międzynarodowego" w dniu 1 czerwca 2021 roku w Kijowie. Dołożono starań, aby książka miała kompleksowy charakter i stanowiła istotny wkład teorii i praktyki w kształtowanie bezpieczeństwa biznesu w gospodarkach wschodnich."--

This article analyses and assesses the hitherto achievements in the negotiations of the five permanent members of the Security Council plus Germany with Iran devoted to the limitation of its nuclear program and normalization of the mutual relations. This is prerequisite of the full normalization of political and economic relations between Iran and Western states. An interim agreement struck in the end of November 2013 in Geneva has not led, for the time being, to the signing of the permanent agreement. On the contrary, the negotiations were extended for the third time since November 2013 till June 2015. There is a danger that Iran will get another extension in June this year and will be able to play for time again. Thus it is reasonable to doubt whether Iran wants a deal with theWest or tries to produce a nuclear bomb in the near future, The Obama administration conducts rather "soft" policy towards Iran as the U.S. needs that country in the war with the Islamic State. On the other hand even the present U.S. administration cannot accept a deal that allows Iran to expand its nuclear programme and enrich uranium to 20%. From various reasons the present stalemate in the negotiations with Iran cannot be resolved with the use of military force. Thus the only hope is that Iran will reconsider all benefits connected with the normalization of its economic and political relations with the West and finally sign a deal with the United States and other Western states. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza dotychczasowych osiągnięć negocjacji prowadzonych przez pięciu stałych członków Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ i Niemiec z władzami Iranu. Negocjacje skierowane są na ograniczenie irańskiego programu nuklearnego i normalizację wzajemnych stosunków. Porozumienie tymczasowe, podpisane w listopadzie 2013 r. w Genewie nie doprowadziło do zawarcia ostatecznych uzgodnień. Wynegocjowane 2 kwietnia 2015 r. porozumienie ramowe z Lozanny, choć powinno być uznane za sukces przez fakt prowadzenia rozmów, to brak konkretnych ustaleń nakazuje uznać je za negocjacyjne niepowodzenie.