The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.
The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.
International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of cooperation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system. ; International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of cooperation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system.
Stosunki międzynarodowe są postacią działania ludzi, dlatego powinny stać się obiektem zainteresowania prakseologii jako nauki nastawionej na sprawność działania. Dotychczasowe rozumienie sprawności musi być jednak odmienne od tradycyjnego. Zgodnie z propozycją zawartą w artykule, ludzkie działanie dzieli się na trzy działy – współpracę, walkę oraz rywalizację , którym odpowiadają trzy rodzaje teorii. Charakterystyczne jest to, że współpraca jest grą o sumie dodatniej, walka – grą o sumie ujemnej, natomiast rywalizacja – grą o sumie zerowej. Teoria stosunków międzynarodowych powinna skupiać się na teorii rywalizacji, rozpostartej pomiędzy współpracą a walką. Oznacza to, że teoria stosunków międzynarodowych powinna opierać się na zasadach współpracy i zasadach walki, a teoria polityki międzynarodowej państwa powinna być teorią sterowania w systemie gry o sumie zerowej. ; International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of co- operation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system.
The author distinguishes threats to international security from challenges faced by the security policy of states and collective international actors but approaches them as a certain continuum. The following phenomena are considered threats and challenges in the second decade of the 21st century: military threats (nuclear weapons and their proliferation, conventional weapons and huge military spending), terrorism, other threats (cybernetic, economic and energy-related, ecological), as well as the migration challenge. A separate major challenge, which the author analyses in detail, is the reconfiguration of the international order that has been taking place for more than a decade now. The author believes that this reconfiguration constitutes a serious challenge to the West, including to its security policy. In order to take up this challenge, benefit from it and prevent the emergence of new threats to international security, the West needs to not only consolidate its security system but also engage in dialogue and cooperation with the emerging competitors and rivals challenging the West's global leadership (the emerging powers from BRICS), as the American political scientist Charles Kupchan proposed in 2010, emphasising that lasting peace can be achieved by turning enemies into friends. It is, however, uncertain what kind of foreign policy will be conducted by the new US President, Donald Trump, elected in November 2016.
The aim of this work is to present the role of Poland in the system of international relations governed by the principles of (neo) liberalism, mainly in the context of crisis phenomena taking place in the West. The hypothesis of this article is as follows: the downturn in Western liberal structures may lead to the modification of the functions and legal and economic system of the Polish state, undermining the principles and rules of liberal democracy applicable there. The turbulence to which the liberal structures of the West are subject may be problematic for those states that have identified their longterm interests with the phenomena of globalization/liberalization and do not have their own strategies of action and more autonomous tools to achieve national goals. Should the western zone weaken, there may be a possibility not only of a geopolitical transformation but also of significant political and economic transformations in countries like Poland. The state may fall into the zone of influence of the new center in a geographical or functional sense, which will impose a different civilization model, based on alternative economic principles and institutional solutions, violating the rights of individuals, minorities, and private businesses. The compulsion to adapt to the new rules that will emerge as a consequence of lowering the role of liberal institutions, the foundations of which are not yet known, may lead to a reduction in the level of protection of citizens and capital in the region. The work includes comments on the functioning of the (neo) liberal system of international relations, the socio-political transformation of Central and Eastern European countries, and Polish internal/foreign policy in the face of the crisis in the Western zone. ; W artykule podjęto próbę przedstawienia roli Polski w systemie stosunków międzynarodowych regulowanym zasadami (neo)liberalizmu, głównie w kontekście zjawisk kryzysowych rozgrywających się na Zachodzie. Postawiono następującą hipotezę: dekoniunktura zachodnich ...
The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.
The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.
This article analyses and assesses the hitherto achievements in the negotiations of the five permanent members of the Security Council plus Germany with Iran devoted to the limitation of its nuclear program and normalization of the mutual relations. This is prerequisite of the full normalization of political and economic relations between Iran and Western states. An interim agreement struck in the end of November 2013 in Geneva has not led, for the time being, to the signing of the permanent agreement. On the contrary, the negotiations were extended for the third time since November 2013 till June 2015. There is a danger that Iran will get another extension in June this year and will be able to play for time again. Thus it is reasonable to doubt whether Iran wants a deal with theWest or tries to produce a nuclear bomb in the near future, The Obama administration conducts rather "soft" policy towards Iran as the U.S. needs that country in the war with the Islamic State. On the other hand even the present U.S. administration cannot accept a deal that allows Iran to expand its nuclear programme and enrich uranium to 20%. From various reasons the present stalemate in the negotiations with Iran cannot be resolved with the use of military force. Thus the only hope is that Iran will reconsider all benefits connected with the normalization of its economic and political relations with the West and finally sign a deal with the United States and other Western states. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza dotychczasowych osiągnięć negocjacji prowadzonych przez pięciu stałych członków Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ i Niemiec z władzami Iranu. Negocjacje skierowane są na ograniczenie irańskiego programu nuklearnego i normalizację wzajemnych stosunków. Porozumienie tymczasowe, podpisane w listopadzie 2013 r. w Genewie nie doprowadziło do zawarcia ostatecznych uzgodnień. Wynegocjowane 2 kwietnia 2015 r. porozumienie ramowe z Lozanny, choć powinno być uznane za sukces przez fakt prowadzenia rozmów, to brak konkretnych ustaleń nakazuje uznać je za negocjacyjne niepowodzenie.
Celem artykułu jest analiza dotychczasowych osiągnięć negocjacji prowadzonych przez pię¬ciu stałych członków Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ i Niemiec z władzami Iranu. Negocjacje skierowane są na ograniczenie irańskiego programu nuklearnego i normalizację wzajemnych stosunków. Porozumienie tymczasowe, podpisane w listopadzie 2013 r. w Genewie nie doprowadziło do zawarcia ostatecznych uzgodnień. Wynegocjowane 2 kwietnia 2015 r. porozumienie ramowe z Lozanny, choć powinno być uznane za sukces przez fakt prowadzenia rozmów, to brak konkretnych ustaleń nakazuje uznać je za negocjacyjne niepowodzenie. ; This article analyses and assesses the hitherto achievements in the negotiations of the five permanent members of the Security Council plus Germany with Iran devoted to the limitation of its nuclear program and normalization of the mutual relations. This is prerequisite of the full nor-malization of political and economic relations between Iran and Western states. An interim agreement struck in the end of November 2013 in Geneva has not led, for the time being, to the signing of the permanent agreement. On the contrary, the negotiations were extended for the third time since November 2013 till June 2015. There is a danger that Iran will get another exten¬sion in June this year and will be able to play for time again. Thus it is reasonable to doubt whether Iran wants a deal with the West or tries to produce a nuclear bomb in the near future, The Obama administration conducts rather "soft" policy towards Iran as the U.S. needs that country in the war with the Islamic State. On the other hand even the present U.S. administration cannot accept a deal that allows Iran to expand its nuclear programme and enrich uranium to 20%. From various reasons the present stalemate in the negotiations with Iran cannot be resolved with the use of military force. Thus the only hope is that Iran will reconsider all benefits connected with the normalization of its economic and political relations with the West and finally sign a deal with the United States and other Western states.
Europe/the European Union, with its obvious trump cards, should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States, formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU has not proved successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in the marginalisation of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter's pivot to the Pacific Rim. It was only after the developments in the Ukraine, which resulted from Russia's imperial tendencies, that a greater activity and coherence in American and European politics was triggered, having a positive influence also on transatlantic relations. ; Europe/the European Union, with its obvious trump cards, should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States, formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU has not proved successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in the marginalisation of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter's pivot to the Pacific Rim. It was only after the developments in the Ukraine, which resulted from Russia's imperial tendencies, that a greater activity and coherence in American and European politics was triggered, having a positive influence also on transatlantic relations.
Mimo ścisłych związków między technologią i stosunkami międzynarodowymi istnieje niewiele prac w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych, które podejmują próbę teoretycznego połączenia obu tych sfer rzeczywistości społecznej. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest historyzacja technologii militarnej w społecznej historii stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia proces historycznego wzrostu znaczenia technologii militarnej w funkcjonowaniu społeczeństw i jej destruktywny wpływ na życie społeczne. Przekonuje, że nowe technologie rozwinaje są przez istoty ludzkie, a nie "odkrywane". Dokonane wynalazki odzwierciedlają określone interesy, posiadanie adekwatnych zasobów do ich dokonania i istnienie określonego instytucjonalnego wsparcia. W takim rozumieniu nauka, technologia i innowacje są funkcją ludzkich wyborów, interesów, idei, instytucji i zasobów. ; Despite close connections between technology and international relations, there are few works in international relations studies that would make an attempt to theoretically connect both of these two spheres of social reality.The main aim of the article is a historization of military technology in a social history of international relations. The author presents the process of historical growth of importance of military technology in functioning of societies and its destructive influence on social life. He convinces one that new technologies are developed, not "discovered" by human beings. Inventions reflect specific interests, owning proper resources to develop them and the existence of determined institutional support. In this understanding, science, technology and innovations are functions of human choices, interests, ideas, institutions and resources.In the first part of the article, the author presents relations between science, technology and innovations, as well as main attitudes in international relations studies in the context of comprehending these relations. Problems caused by technological development are also discussed. In the second part of the article, the author presents the meaning of military technology in international relations through its historization. By showing different contexts of "war machines" (horse, chariot, cavalry, cannons, conventional and nuclear weapon, information technology),one can observe the influence of military technology on international relations in the process of uneven and related development of different societies in different times from antiquity to the present day. In particular, the results of transformation of relations between armed forces and scientific institutions after World War II into permanent structures of society and government are shown. On the example of United States of America, the author points negative consequences of forming bureaucratic national security services for many aspects of social life. Finally, referring to James Der Derian's analysis, the author presents transformative influence of information technology on international relations.
W artykule przedstawiono jakościową metodę śledzenia procesu (process tracing) i jej przykładowe wykorzystanie w badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych. Po pierwsze, dokonano ogólnej charakterystyki metody. Po drugie, przedstawiono debatę toczoną w naukach społecznych na temat rozumienia mechanizmów przyczynowych i przyczynowego wnioskowania oraz użyteczności metody śledzenia procesu do testowania hipotez. Po trzecie, omówiono różnego rodzaju dyrektywy kierujące postępowaniem badawczym w ramach metody śledzenia procesu. Po czwarte, w końcowej części artykułu zademonstrowano implementację metody w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych na przykładzie analizy zakończenia zimnej wojny. W końcu sformułowano pewne wątpliwości związane z metodą. Celem artykułu jest wprowadzenie do polskiej nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych jakościowej metody badawczej, która nie jest wykorzystywana przez polskich badaczy, chociaż większość z nich określa swoje stanowisko metodologiczne jako jakościowe. Autor w szczególności uzasadnia i ilustruje przekonanie, że metoda śledzenia procesu może stanowić mocną propozycję w rozwiązywaniu problemów związanych z rozpoznawaniem stosunków przyczynowych w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych. Autor posługuje się w artykule metodą analizy treści. Metoda śledzenia procesu została przedstawiona w oparciu o analizę tekstów uznanych zwolenników metody w filozofii nauki i nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prac poświęconych problemom stosunków międzynarodowych badanych przy zastosowaniu tej metody. Wyniki przeprowadzonej analizy pozwalają na sformułowanie rekomendacji do stosowania metody do badania stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia również słabe strony metody, których istnienia powinien być świadomy każdy z niej korzystający. ; The article presents a qualitative method known as process tracing and exemplifies its use in the study of international relations. Firstly, the general characteristics of process tracing are shown. Secondly, the debate in social sciences on the understanding of causal mechanisms and causal inference is discussed, and whether process tracing is useful in testing hypotheses. Thirdly, different types of directives that guide the research procedure within the framework of process tracing are presented. Fourthly, the final part of the article demonstrates the implementation of process tracing in International Relations on the example of the analysis of the end of the Cold War. The article is concluded with a few doubts the method raises. The aim of the article is to introduce a qualitative research method to the Polish studies of International Relations. This method has not been used by Polish researchers, although most of them declare their methodological standpoint as a qualitative approach. The author justifies and illustrates the belief that the method of process tracing can be strongly recommended in solving problems related to the identification of causal relations in International Relations. The author uses the content analysis method in the article. The method of process tracing is presented based on the analysis of the texts of renowned supporters of the method in the Philosophy of Science and International Relations and of works dedicated to the problems of international relations studied using this method. The results of the analysis make it possible to formulate recommendations for the application of the method to study international relations. The author also presents the weaknesses of this method, which every scholar employing it should be aware of.
The article presents a qualitative method known as process tracing and exemplifies its use in the study of international relations. Firstly, the general characteristics of process tracing are shown. Secondly, the debate in social sciences on the understanding of causal mechanisms and causal inference is discussed, and whether process tracing is useful in testing hypotheses. Thirdly, different types of directives that guide the research procedure within the framework of process tracing are presented. Fourthly, the final part of the article demonstrates the implementation of process tracing in International Relations on the example of the analysis of the end of the Cold War. The article is concluded with a few doubts the method raises. The aim of the article is to introduce a qualitative research method to the Polish studies of International Relations. This method has not been used by Polish researchers, although most of them declare their methodological standpoint as a qualitative approach. The author justifies and illustrates the belief that the method of process tracing can be strongly recommended in solving problems related to the identification of causal relations in International Relations. The author uses the content analysis method in the article. The method of process tracing is presented based on the analysis of the texts of renowned supporters of the method in the Philosophy of Science and International Relations and of works dedicated to the problems of international relations studied using this method. The results of the analysis make it possible to formulate recommendations for the application of the method to study international relations. The author also presents the weaknesses of this method, which every scholar employing it should be aware of. ; W artykule przedstawiono jakościową metodę śledzenia procesu (process tracing) i jej przykładowe wykorzystanie w badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych. Po pierwsze, dokonano ogólnej charakterystyki metody. Po drugie, przedstawiono debatę toczoną w naukach społecznych na temat rozumienia mechanizmów przyczynowych i przyczynowego wnioskowania oraz użyteczności metody śledzenia procesu do testowania hipotez. Po trzecie, omówiono różnego rodzaju dyrektywy kierujące postępowaniem badawczym w ramach metody śledzenia procesu. Po czwarte, w końcowej części artykułu zademonstrowano implementację metody w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych na przykładzie analizy zakończenia zimnej wojny. W końcu sformułowano pewne wątpliwości związane z metodą. Celem artykułu jest wprowadzenie do polskiej nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych jakościowej metody badawczej, która nie jest wykorzystywana przez polskich badaczy, chociaż większość z nich określa swoje stanowisko metodologiczne jako jakościowe. Autor w szczególności uzasadnia i ilustruje przekonanie, że metoda śledzenia procesu może stanowić mocną propozycję w rozwiązywaniu problemów związanych z rozpoznawaniem stosunków przyczynowych w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych. Autor posługuje się w artykule metodą analizy treści. Metoda śledzenia procesu została przedstawiona w oparciu o analizę tekstów uznanych zwolenników metody w filozofii nauki i nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prac poświęconych problemom stosunków międzynarodowych badanych przy zastosowaniu tej metody. Wyniki przeprowadzonej analizy pozwalają na sformułowanie rekomendacji do stosowania metody do badania stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia również słabe strony metody, których istnienia powinien być świadomy każdy z niej korzystający.
The task of the article is a comparison of theoretical findings of the conception of the international economic cooperation of the CMEA member states with the premises of their economic policies in this scope and with the previous course of integrational processes in the CMEA group. In the first part of the study, three basic theoretical concepts of economic cooperation are presented which can be related to differing views of economists on the part played by planning and international market in the socialist economy. In the second part of the study a system of the international economic cooperation adopted in the premises of the economic policies of the CMEA member states is analyzed. The author's attention is focused mainly on those elements of the international cooperation system which are compromising opposing pursuits of the particular member states of securing themselves most favorable conditions for balancing necessary means with needs stated autonomously in the national plans of economic developement. The third part of the study is devoted to the analysis of features of functioning of the present system of international cooperation of the CMEA states. The actual distribution of competence and roles in the system of relations between various levels of domestic and international institutions and organizations are characterized. The scope of implementation of resolutions and recommendations of the CMEA on the developement of the international specialization and productional cooperation is evaluated. The excessive build up of the consulting and negociating activities almost on all the levels of economic organizations of the member states and of the CMEA organs is also indicated. The identification and analysis of structure of interdependence of economic interests in the sphere of realization of international economic cooperation in the CMEA are performed. Particularly, following groups of interests can be singled out: Party and government governing bodies, central economic administration, productional and trade enterprises, international organs of the CMEA. In the final remarks factors diminishing the ability to control a mechanism of the international cooperation are presented, this can well account for the lack of developement in real integrational ties and related organizational structures in the system of cooperation of the CMEA states. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
