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What we today call the international system was created by the West from early modern age. This term is often used in political theory, but less focused on how to classify integrative forces within the international system. In the context of this study, we are attempting to lay down some conceptual basis. How do we understand the linking and unifying factors within the international system? Initially, the emergence of the international system was largely attributed to political factors in theory, but we can also refer to other explanatory principles: one considers economic factors and civilizational factors are taken into consideration as essential aspects of the international structures. According to our viewpoint, inter-civilization dialogue seems to be a "third way" that goes beyond the expansive one-sidedness of Western universalism and the world-level confrontation of hostile civilizations. This "civilizational approach" incorporates the two previous aspects - economic and political - and this is what gives its importance. In our view, inter-civilization dialogue is the only viable way to create global ethos, and only the resulting "intellectual revolution" can make national and supranational economic and political institutions to operate in effective way under the conditions of globalization.

This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.

Tanulmányunk a nemzetközi rendszer átalakulásával foglalkozik, azt Polányi kettős mozgásának a nemzetközi politikai gazdaságtan három vizsgálati szintjére (rendszer szintje, nemzetállam szintje, ideák szintje) való kiterjesztésével mutatja be. A cél annak az ingamozgásnak a bemutatása, mely az önszabályozó piac és a Bretton Woodsi "beágyazott liberalizmus" között írható le. Bemutatjuk azt is, hogy a populista pártok napjainkban megfigyelhető növekvő népszerűsége a piacosító folyamatokkal szembeni ellenmozgásként értelmezhető. = Our paper examines the transformation of the international economic system. We examine the process of Polanyi's double movement on the three levels of analysis of the international political economy: systemic, domestic and cognitive. Our aim is to show that during the development of the international system a certain pendulum is present which swings between the idea of the self-regulating market and 'the embedded liberalism' of the Bretton Woods System. We will also show, that the increasing popularity of populist political parties might be also understood as a countermovement against forces of marketization.

Seit ihrem Amtsantritt 2010 steht die rechtskonservative Regierung unter Viktor Orbán international in der Diskussion: Ob Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Unabhängigkeit von Justiz und Medien oder der Umgang mit Obdachlosen und Roma - vonseiten der Presse und EU kam heftige Kritik. Inwieweit decken sich Kritik und Fakten? Wie erscheint Ungarn etwa im Vergleich mit anderen demokratischen Staaten? Eine analysierende Gegenüberstellung von Pressezitaten und nachgeprüften Sachverhalten will Antworten geben.

Domestic and international research reveal the following fact: sometimes there are false identity parades behind justizmord cases. So, there is a crucial meaning of the legally and criminalistically correct implementation of the proofing act. In the light of this, the study examines its types, delimitation from confrontation, criteria, and tactical requirements.

This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.

The present case study points to the arguments of those lawsuits that lasted for years, which resulted multilingual town nameplates on the city limits of Cluj-Napoca, after decades of omissions. In addition to describing the related rules of both domestic and international law, the study not only explores the legal arguments developed on the basis of them but also points out the controversial points of the regulation and the omissions of the Cluj-Napoca municipality. It also presents the activities of civic initiatives and organizations that, in addition to legal conditions and mere statistics, demonstrate a real societal need for multicultural cooperation and peaceful coexistence.

After the transformation to democracy and market economy the Visegrad Four (V4) countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) have rejoined the group of donors providing international development assistance to poor emerging countries. The aim of the paper is to help to better understand the foreign aid policy and practice of the V4 countries and their contribution to the development of the poor emerging countries by providing foreign aid for them. The main research questions focus on the following issues: What is the history and the major motif of the V4 countries for providing foreign aid? Which are the most preferred beneficiary countries and why? How much foreign aid and in what area is provided? How does it relate to other international donors? What does it mean to the recipient countries? Are there similarities or differences between the V4 countries in this respect? What are the major features distinguishing V4 donors from others? What kind of challenges and opportunities can arise? The hypotheses of the research to be tested are as follows: 1. Providing foreign aid by the V4 countries has its roots in the past regime which still has an influence on the present practice. 2. The V4 countries represent a special model for development cooperation with the aid recipient countries. 3. The major motif of the V4 countries for providing foreign aid was to support the geopolitical interest of the ex "Soviet Block", while after the change of the regime the aspiration of the V4 countries shifted towards gaining economic benefits from the cooperation with the aid recipient countries. The method of the research is literature review related to development theory and foreign aid as well as statistical analysis based on data on Official Development Assistance (ODA). Results prove the hypotheses.

The peace treaty that was signed by the representatives of the Hungarian government at the Grand Trianon Palace in Versailles on the 4th June 1920, closed the hostilities between the warring parties, and with its 364 articles, it recorded the severe conditions of peace, striking on the defeated Hungary. The peace agreement has not yet become effective with the signing ceremony. The enactment, ratification and sanction of the signed treaty were just ahead. Since the peace treaty was among the international agreements that came in force only after the ratification – and the implementation could also be demanded after the act – the Hungarian party done all to ensure that the ratification take place as late as possible. They wanted to achieve their limited revisionist goals during this period. However, the victorious powers urged the prompt ratification. It was more than a year process from the beginning of the ratification till the peace agreement entered into force which period can be divided into two major clearly separable phases. The first phase lasted from the signing of the peace treaty on 4 June 1920 till 26 October 1920 with its submission to the National Assembly. The second phase includes parliamentary debates and the ratification itself lasting until 26 July 1921, the exchanging of the ratification documents. The size of the subject made it necessary to present the events of the two periods in two separate studies. Thus, the present study describes and analyzes the events of the first period. The essay gives full details of the ratification as an international norm, covering the codification position of Hungary and the Little Entente states and, relating to the victorious powers efforts. The document gives a detailed analyzes of the great powers's policy which finally forced the Hungarian government to submit the ratification of the Trianon Peace Treaty to the National Assembly.

Trends and Dilemmas in the Utilization of Renewable Energy Sources.Due to the efforts in the interests of achieving the sustainable development several legislation have been born supporting the utilization of the renewable energy sources and within that the usage of biomass as a conditionally renewable energy source. At the time of creation of the directives there were less available practical experience. After consulting the studies published in our country and abroad in this line in this article we presented the changes of attitudes and opinions due to the expansion of knowledge.The purpose of this study is to present the local and global consequences of em-phasizing the utilization of the biomass as a conditionally renewable energy source and how much does it affect the fulfilment of the originally set goals.To prepare the study we used international and national publications as well as legal and statistical data published by the European Union and the United Nations on this subject. ; Trends and Dilemmas in the Utilization of Renewable Energy Sources.Due to the efforts in the interests of achieving the sustainable development several legislation have been born supporting the utilization of the renewable energy sources and within that the usage of biomass as a conditionally renewable energy source. At the time of creation of the directives there were less available practical experience. After consulting the studies published in our country and abroad in this line in this article we presented the changes of attitudes and opinions due to the expansion of knowledge.The purpose of this study is to present the local and global consequences of em-phasizing the utilization of the biomass as a conditionally renewable energy source and how much does it affect the fulfilment of the originally set goals.To prepare the study we used international and national publications as well as legal and statistical data published by the European Union and the United Nations on this subject.

Considering the recent series of events and intensified diplomatic and economic relations, many experts envisage a new Cold War between the two superpowers of the twenty-first century. Although the Chinese-American relationship over the last half-century has experienced some great moments, it has mostly been characterised by less amicable or even hostile attitudes, as well as economically volatile competition. The pragmatic realist approach and diplomatic appeasement of the 1970s and 1980s served mutual interests for the two countries against their common foe, the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, concerning their political values and visions, the democratic US and the Marxist-Maoist People's Republic of China have proven to be two irreconcilable political and social experiments, worlds apart from each other's spheres and paradigms. Within the context of the drastically altered global political milieu of the new millennium, the two great powers have manoeuvred themselves into heated confrontational positions over the last decade, not even excluding the possibility of a severe clash of interests in the future.

Administrative procedures, as well as public bodies that carry out these procedures, ought to perform functions related to the application of administrative law in a constantly changing social, economic, and political environment. This presents them with new challenges and expectations time and time again. According to the findings of the this study, the relation of transparency and administrative procedures – which could be described as a type of historically rooted but, at the same time, contemporary expectation towards public administration – fits in the above concept. The study attempts to interpret and define the concept of transparency on the basis of the terminology used by international organisations in the field of the examination of administrative procedures, and thus to highlight the issues, divergences and their causes.