Suchergebnisse

La presencia en España de unos 35.000 voluntarios, reclutados por la Tercera Internacional, consiguió que ciudadanos de más de 53 países cooperaran con el Ejército Popular de la República durante la Guerra Civil. La historia de las Brigadas ha generado desde 1996 a esta fecha una literatura en rápido crecimiento. Las Brigadas Internacionales se han estudiado desde muchas perspectivas. Este artículo aborda el amplio panorama de libros desglosándolos en seis áreas. Hemos referenciado 168 títulos publicados entre 2006 y 2013 y los hemos analizado estadísticamente desde el punto de vista de su idioma, lugar de aparición, año y temática principal. En lo que se refiere al idioma un 73% se escribieron en español, un 10% en inglés, un 5% en catalán, un 4% en italiano, un 4% en francés y un 4% en otras lenguas. Un 82% aproximadamente se publicaron en España y solo 18% en el extranjero. Por fechas, en el año 2009 tuvo lugar el volumen de producción más amplio. Por temas, el porcentaje más elevado lo componen las biografías y memorias. Le siguen el lugar de origen de cada Brigada, aspectos militares generales y las batallas más importantes. A los 75 años casi del final de la Guerra Civil el fenómeno de las Brigadas Internacionales y su significado está más presente que nunca. No solo se ha escrito un considerable número de libros sino que también se han organizado actividades tales como proyecciones de películas y exposiciones para rendir homenaje a los voluntarios extranjeros que vinieron a España a luchar contra Franco. ; The presence in Spain of some 35,000 volunteers recruited by the Third International, led to citizens of more than 53 countries fighting alongside the Republican Army during the Civil War. The history of the International Brigades has generated a rapidly growing literature from 1996 up to now. The International Brigades have been examined from a great many different perspectives. This article examines the large corpus of work according to six subjects. We have collected 168 titles published between 2006 and 2013 and analysed them statistically according to language, place, date and principal topics. Regarding language, 73% are written in Spanish, 10% in English, 5% in Catalan, 4% in Italian, 4% in French and 4% in other languages. Approximately 82% were published in Spain and only 18% abroad. As to date of publication, 2009 was the most prolific year. Considering research topics, the highest percentage goes to biographies and memoirs, followed by works examining the country of origin of each Brigade, general military matters and the most important battles. Almost 75 years later, the phenomenon of the International Brigades and what they mean is more alive than ever. Not only has there been a large number of publications , but a great number of activities have also been launched, such as films or exhibitions paying tribute to the volunteers who came to Spain to fight against Franco.

Abstract This paper aims to reflect about the contradictions of international cooperation for development in Haiti that can be summarized in two perspectives: the North-South cooperation (NSC) and South-South cooperation (SSC). The dynamics of relationships can mix them (N-SSC). We identified governmental and nongovernmental particularly in health, linked to the OECD, the ALBA-TCP and UNASUR as empirical sources for reflection. The OECD privileges the perspective of NSC: commitment of developed nations with undeveloped. It operates mainly through NGOs. The ALBA-TCP and UNASUR have followed the perspective of SSC: commitment and solidarity among nations alike. They emphasize the horizontal partnership based on solidarity, respect for national sovereignty and peculiarities of each country. The resumption of the categories imperialism and internationalism may contribute to the understanding and analysis the contradictions in the international development agenda, illustrated by how these different actor in Haiti organize their actions. While the first one indicates bonding mechanisms geopolitical hierarchy, the latter suggests possibilities for overcoming these mechanisms. Key-words: International cooperation; Haiti; Imperialism; Internationalism; Organizational studies. Resumo Este artigo objetiva refletir sobre contradições da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento no Haiti, resumidas em duas perspectivas: cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS) e cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS). A dinâmica das relações pode misturá-las (CN-SS). Identificamos atores governamentais e não governamentais, na área da saúde, vinculados à OCDE, à ALBA-TCP e à UNASUL como fontes empíricas para a reflexão. A OCDE se orienta, predominantemente pela CNS, ou seja, pelo compromisso de assistência que os países desenvolvidos oferecem aos subdesenvolvidos. Opera principalmente através de ONGs. Nas ações da ALBA-TCP e da Unasul predominam a perspectiva da CSS: comprometimento solidário entre nações iguais. Enfatizam a parceria horizontal baseada na solidariedade, no respeito à soberania e peculiaridades de cada país. A retomada das categorias imperialismo e internacionalismo contribui para compreensão e análise das contradições na agenda internacional do desenvolvimento, ilustradas pelas formas mediante as quais esses diferentes atores organizam suas ações no Haiti. Enquanto as dos países da OCDE denotam mecanismos geopolíticos hierárquicos, as ações dos países vinculados à ALBA-TCP e da UNASUR sugerem possibilidades de superação desses mecanismos, buscando a cooperação genuína e autodeterminada. Palavras-chave: Cooperação internacional; Haiti; Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudos oganizacionais. Resumen En este artículo se reflexiona sobre las contradicciones de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Haití, resumidas en dos puntos de vista: cooperación Norte-Sur (CNS) y cooperación Sur-Sur (CSS). La dinámica de las relaciones pueden mezclarlos (CN-SS). Identificamos los actores gubernamentales y no gubernamentales, en la salud, de la OCDE, del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR como fuentes empíricas para la reflexión. La OCDE se orienta principalmente por la CNS, es decir, ofrecen asistencia a los países sudesarrollados. Opera principalmente a través de ONGs; en las acciones del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR predominan la perspectiva de CSS: el compromiso solidario entre naciones iguales. La énfasis és en la colaboración horizontal basada en la solidaridad, el respeto a la soberanía y las peculiaridades de cada país. La reanudación de las categorías imperialismo y internacionalismo contribuye a la comprensión y el análisis de las contradicciones en la agenda de desarrollo internacional, ilustrada por las formas en que los diferentes actores organizan sus acciones en Haití. Mientras que los países de la OCDE indican mecanismos geopolíticos jerárquicas, las acciones de los países vinculados al ALBA- TCP y UNASUR sugieren posibilidades para la superación de estos mecanismos, buscando la cooperación genuina y autodeterminada. Palabras-clave: Cooperación internacional; Haití, Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudios oganizacionales.

In this article there is analyzed how the international administrations that exercise a governmental power in post conflict territories justify their political authority without having democratic legitimacy. In the article it is studied, both the establishment, the mandates and the practices of government of the international administrations of Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor, and they are identified five sources for this authority: the assent, the delegation, the maintenance of the peace and the safety, the promotion of the human rights and the democracy, and the disposition to govern. Nevertheless, all these aspects are questionable. Concretely, the authority of the international administrations is weakened due to its practices, to the unexistence of any obligation for accountability and to the limited efficiency at the moment of arranging government. To conclude, in the article are outlined some possible ways for the reinforcement of the authority of the international administrations. ; En este artículo se analiza cómo las administraciones internacionales que ejercen un poder gubernamental en territorios post conflicto justifican su autoridad política sin tener legitimidad democrática. En el artículo se estudia el establecimiento, los mandatos y las prácticas de gobierno de las administraciones de Bosnia, Kosovo y Timor Oriental y se identifican cinco fundamentos de la autoridad: el consentimiento, la delegación, el mantenimiento de la paz y la seguridad, el fomento de los derechos humanos y la democracia, y la disposición para gobernar. No obstante, todos estos aspectos son cuestionables. En concreto, la autoridad de las administraciones internacionales se debilita debido a sus prácticas, a que no existe la obligación rendir cuentas y a la efectividad limitada a la hora de disponer gobierno. Para concluir, en el artículo se destacan algunas posibles vías de refuerzo de la autoridad de las administraciones internacionales.

International entrepreneurship as a field of research, involves research into entrepreneurship in multiple countries and research into cross-border entrepreneurship. Despite two decades of international entrepreneurship theory building in developed countries, yet to date, little is known about international entrepreneurship in emerging economies.Objective: This article thus contributes to the literature of international entrepreneurship theory by reviewing the empirical research in the context of emerging economies and more specifically the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) are leading emerging economies and political powers at the regional and international level.Material and Methods: To review the diverse set of studies in the IE field, we undertake a systematic and narrative review in the recent literature of international entrepreneurship in the BRICS context.Results: Our results show that although this research line is rapidly growing, the IE literature in the BRICS context is still fragmented. We also provide a summary of the research field and suggest some future research lines.

The violence of Mexico's so-called "war on drugs" has caught the attention of the international community, with calls for the International Criminal Court (ICC) to turn its attention to the country. If they're successful, high-level government officials - or even leaders of drug trafficking organizations - may be prosecuted in the Hague. But it's a difficult road ahead. ; News Analysis (InSight Crime Foundation)

The present research focuses on arbitration, which seeks to examine the advantages and disadvantages of third party funding(TPF) and its differences with other forms of financial interference and determines who can act as an investor. The result of this research is that third party funding has disadvantages and advantages that in general, its advantages are dominated due to the difference in volume of funding, and investors in this area can be lawyers, insurance companies or any other person who is not prohibited by law and can be simulated and executed under the Article 10 of civil law.

En este artículo se analiza cómo las administraciones internacionales que ejercen un poder gubernamental en territorios post conflicto justifican su autoridad política sin tener legitimidad democrática. En el artículo se estudia el establecimiento, los mandatos y las prácticas de gobierno de las administraciones de Bosnia, Kosovo y Timor Oriental y se identifican cinco fundamentos de la autoridad: el consentimiento, la delegación, el mantenimiento de la paz y la seguridad, el fomento de los derechos humanos y la democracia, y la disposición para gobernar. No obstante, todos estos aspectos son cuestionables. En concreto, la autoridad de las administraciones internacionales se debilita debido a sus prácticas, a que no existe la obligación rendir cuentas y a la efectividad limitada a la hora de disponer gobierno. Para concluir, en el artículo se destacan algunas posibles vías de refuerzo de la autoridad de las administraciones internacionales ; In this article there is analyzed how the international administrations that exercise a governmental power in post conflict territories justify their political authority without having democratic legitimacy. In the article it is studied, both the establishment, the mandates and the practices of government of the international administrations of Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor, and they are identified five sources for this authority: the assent, the delegation, the maintenance of the peace and the safety, the promotion of the human rights and the democracy, and the disposition to govern. Nevertheless, all these aspects are questionable. Concretely, the authority of the international administrations is weakened due to its practices, to the unexistence of any obligation for accountability and to the limited efficiency at the moment of arranging government. To conclude, in the article are outlined some possible ways for the reinforcement of the authority of the international administrations.