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Zo'n 900 onderzoekers uit 55 verschillende landen zochten elkaar op in de University of Illinois om de conferentie Qualitative Inquiry bij te wonen. Het congres, dat sinds 2005 jaarlijks door de International Association of Qualitative Inquiry (IAQI) georganiseerd wordt, stond dit jaar in het teken van Qualitative inquiry and the politics of evidence, ofwel de zoektocht naar meer erkenning van en waardering voor een alternatieve manier van bewijsvoering door kwalitatief onderzoek binnen academische instellingen en faculteiten, beoordelingscommissies, onderzoeksfondsen, professionele organisaties en wetenschappelijke tijdschriften. Ik was er als junior onderzoeker op het terrein van patiëntenparticipatie in wetenschappelijk onderzoek voor het eerst bij en zal verslag doen van de bijgewoonde lezingen en workshops.

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Internationale betrekkingen zijn soms aanjagers van geschiedenis. Zo kunnen samenlevingen erdoor worden voortgeduwd van het ene stadium van ontwikkeling naar het volgende. Dat geldt ook voor het op gang komen van de modernisering, waarin bevolkingen materieel rijk en hun staten machtig worden. In zijn oratie neemt Roel van der Veen de relatie tussen internationale betrekkingen en het begin van de modernisering gedurende de afgelopen vijftig jaar onder de loep. Hij vergelijkt daarbij de succesvolle start van de modernisering van Azië met de uitblijvende ontwikkeling van Afrika. Hoe kon de samen

As a motivational factor of action, political efficacy is an important predictor of political behaviour. The term was invented to capture the extent to which people feel that they can effectively participate in politics and shape political processes. Today, we have a comprehensive knowledge of the individual-level factors (socio-demographic variables, political preferences etc.) that shape the level of internal and external dimensions of political efficacy. However, while it is widely demonstrated that media consumption influences the level of political efficacy, the country-level media context factors affecting it have rarely been studied. This paper reports the findings of extensive research on how two crucial features of the media context, the political significance of the media and the level of political parallelism in the media system, shape the level of external and internal political efficacy. The investigation draws upon the dataset of the seventh round (2014 – 2015) of the European Social Survey (ESS) and includes more than twenty-two thousand respondents from nineteen European democracies. The research hypothesizes that in countries where the media play a more important role, people have lower levels of external and higher levels of internal political efficacy. Political parallelism, which shows the extent to which media outlets are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is expected to directly increase both external and internal political efficacy. Its indirect effect is also hypothesized, arguing that partisan media amplifies the winner-loser gap in political efficacy as a kind of "echo chamber". The findings show that in countries where the media play a major role in shaping political discourse, people have lower levels of external political efficacy, while the political parallelism of the media system indirectly affects the external dimensions of political efficacy. Internal political efficacy is, however, not related to these context-level factors.

The military is generally considered to act as a professional when it comes to retreating forces from military battleground or international conflict areas. At the same time recent national experiences with the withdrawal of national troops from international peacekeeping operations are filled with disappointments and crises. In this article the authors question the idea that these disappointments and crises are simply due to problems of reduced military competence or military morale. They argue that the military is still the alleged expert who knows how to perform military retreats and other military actions. At the same time they show that network-like decision-making structures that are inherent to the deployment of troops in international peacekeeping missions, have become a major obstacle for the military to act in its own right. The lessons that government can learn from the military experience are firstly, that decisions for national public cutbacks should be accompanied by a more in-depth (re)consideration of public (key) tasks than up to now was considered appropriate, and secondly, that more trust should be shown in the skills, knowledge and motivation of professionals to delineate and constrain the boundaries of their own fields of expertise.

International Economics; Germany - De serie 'Voorstudies en achtergronden' omvat werkstukken die in het kader van de werkzaamheden van de WRR tot stand zijn gekomen en naar zijn oordeel van zodanige kwaliteit en betekenis zijn, dat publicatie gewenst is. De verantwoordelijkheid voor de inhoud en de ingenomen standpunten berust bij de auteurs.

Klep, Christ, Somalië, Rwanda, Srebrenica. De nasleep van drie ontspoorde vredesmissies (Dissertatie Utrecht 2008; Amsterdam: Boom, 2008, 385 blz., ISBN 978 90 8506 668 2)When the Home Front meets Foreign Parts. The Aftermath of Commissions of Inquiry into derailed Peace MissionsPeace Missions take place in difficult and volatile circumstances. It is therefore hardly surprising that some peace missions become 'derailed'. Christ Klep zooms in on three 'derailed' missions in his book and focuses on the value of Commissions of Inquiry which are subsequently set up as a result of public and political pressure. Do they succeed in revealing the 'how' and the 'why' of such derailments and – above all – identifying those who are responsible? Based on a broad spectrum of questions and extensive source materials, Klep concludes that 'the number of escape routes from the labyrinth of responsibility is practically infinite'; a clear message for all those taking part in international and domestic politics. It is here that the author skillfully and expertly succeeds: exposing the complex entanglement of domestic and foreign policy, even concerning events that sometimes happen away from the capital city.

Klep, Christ, Somalië, Rwanda, Srebrenica. De nasleep van drie ontspoorde vredesmissies (Dissertatie Utrecht 2008; Amsterdam: Boom, 2008, 385 blz., ISBN 978 90 8506 668 2).ResponseThe validity of my comparative approach (Somalia-Rwanda-Srebrenica) still stands, in my opinion. At the level of political responsibility and the process of coming to terms with events, the similarities are stronger than the differences. My estimation that the Inquiry reports were 'hijacked' by almost all of the stakeholders involved (especially the Canadian, Belgian and Dutch governments) is more of a matter of fact and a political reality than a reproach that ought to have legal implications. Finally, the question of how far the three governments that were involved learned lessons from the three affairs is difficult to answer. Was it not also the wider developments (for example, the switch from the 'blue' missions to the more robust 'green' missions) that compelled the lessons to be drawn out?

International Economics; Germany; Economy; Public Administration - Nederland is zeer gevoelig voor ontwikkelingen in de Bondsrepubliek en voor het aldaar gevoerde beleid op het terrein van economie, veiligheid, ecologie en ruimtelijke ordening. De beleidsruimte van de Nederlandse regering op die terreinen is betrekkelijk gering.

Voor de zittende Sudanese president Al-Bashir geldt een internationaal arrestatiebevel. België en Senegal bakkeleien in Den Haag over de berechting van de voormalig Tsjaadse dictator Habré. In haar oratie stelt Barbara Oomen dat het de wereldgemeenschap steeds meer menens is met de mensenrechten. Paradoxaal genoeg vraagt dit proces van universalisering van de mensenrechten lokale verankering. De nadruk op 'traditionele' rechtspleging na ernstige mensenrechtenschendingen vormt hiervan een voorbeeld. Oomen stelt dat zowel de wereldgemeenschap in wording als lokale gemeenschappen het monopolie op