Suchergebnisse

Dit boek van antropoloog en oud-'NRC'-redacteur Dirk Vlasblom is het eerste moderne overzichtswerk van de geschiedenis van westelijk Nieuw-Guinea, van de vroegste tijden tot de 21ste eeuw. De auteur baseert zich op gepubliceerd en ongepubliceerd bronnenmateriaal en op talloze interviews met rechtstreeks betrokkenen.0In de proloog wordt meteen duidelijk hoe heilsverwachtingen het wereldbeeld van de Papoea's beheersen. Nieuwkomers die opdoken vanaf de 17de eeuw werden door hen dan ook welwillend tegemoet getreden. Slavernij en uitbuiting door Molukse vorsten was vervolgens hun deel.0De Nederlanders eisten het immense gebied op, maar hadden er nauwelijks oog voor totdat het aan het einde van de 19de eeuw tot hen doordrong dat ze het konden verliezen als ze het niet daadwerkelijk onder bestuur brachten. Nieuw-Guinea bleef het 'stiefkind van Indië' tot aan de vooravond van de Tweede Wereldoorlog.0Na de oorlog nam Nederland de verplichting op zich westelijk Nieuw-Guinea als goede kolonisator te beheren en de Papoea's te leiden op de weg van ontwikkeling en uiteindelijk naar onafhankelijkheid. Voor deze inhaalmanoeuvre resultaat kon opleveren, zette Indonesië zijn aanspraken op het gebied kracht bij met militaire prikacties. Grote internationale druk dwong Den Haag in 1962 de vlag te strijken. Een tijdelijk VN-bestuur maakte uiteindelijk plaats voor een Indonesische gouverneur.0Meer dan ooit is westelijk Nieuw-Guinea in de Indonesische tijd een wingewest geworden. De Papoea's bleven aan de rand van de geldeconomie en hun zelfbewustzijn werd gekrenkt door de massale immigratie van Indonesiërs uit andere delen van de archipel.0In deze geheel vernieuwde tweede editie is geput uit de meest recente literatuur en is het verhaal bijgewerkt tot 2018

An image in technicolor. Fifty years of wars in Vietnam 1940-1990 gives a broad and innovative interpretation of the history of Vietnam between 1940 and 1990. Black and white characterisations, one-sided interpretations and prevailing myths are debunked. Instead, a nuanced and multifaceted picture is given in which the United States is less prominent.
History is not only written by the victors and, in this case too, the history of Vietnam during this period cannot be attributed solely to Ho Chi Minh and the success of the Communists in 1975. The internal losers, that is, the other political movements and their leaders, must also be given a crucial place in Vietnam's history. For example, the civil wars that took place between 1940 and 1990 played an unmistakable role.
The older, idealised image of North Vietnam is inaccurate. This country was a dictatorial and oppressive police state. After 1954, the North Vietnamese leaders were embroiled in a fierce power struggle and were largely responsible for the war in South Vietnam. The answer to the question of who the legitimate representatives of the Vietnamese nation were also requires a more balanced judgment of non-Communist politicians, such as Bao Dai, Ngo Dinh Diem and Nguyen Van Thieu.
As for the role of international players, initially, it was the Cold War that determined the United States' interference; later, it was American credibility. In the end, it was the support from China and the Soviet Union that was the deciding factor for North Vietnam's victory.
Important new perspectives are given on the role of minorities, the meaning of 'a third way', the devastating effects of the strategy, the role of women and girls, and the mental and cultural aspects of the wars.

This new study of the genesis of the Indonesian national state is based on the notion that the birth of that nation grew out of not only the liberation movement but also from the Dutch rule that the nationalists agitated against. The book places a clear emphasis on the ways in which Dutch rule was established in the Indonesian archipelago in the course of three centuries and examines the developments of Dutch colonial policies. This feeds into chapters that focus on the Indonesian nationalist movement and the Japanese occupation of the colony in 1942-1945.The occupation helped to enable the proclamation of Indonesian indepence and the creation of the Republic in August 1945. The conflict that erupted between the Repub-lic and the Netherlands was brought to an incomplete 'solution' in 1949, but the dis-pute about West-Irian led to a sequel that lasted for another thirteen years. More than half of this book is dedicated to the conflict and its aftermath. Much attention is paid to the sentiments and ideas that informed Dutch policy. Various issues that have received scant attention in the historiography are now dis-cussed. The author based his study on Dutch and international literature, contemporary newspapers and policy documents, and his own memories. In the book's title, the stork represents the Dutch and the garuda functions as a symbol of Indonesia. J. Herman Burgers (1926) worked at the Dutch Department of Foreign Affairs. He studied Law in Amsterdam and Political Science at Stanford University. He was deeply interested in the conflict between the Netherlands and the Republic of Indone-sia, as it broke out in 1945. This fascination has never left him, and he has continued to study the conflict and its aftermath, especially during the years 1948-1950 when he was in Indonesia for his Dutch military service

This dissertation reports on the research into Surinamese constitutional law during the military administration between 1980 and 1987. During this period of martial law there was neither an elected parliament nor any other form of authority with parliamentary legitimacy in Suriname. The research into the military administration is predominantly normative research into the formal constitutional arrangement of the Surinamese state during the 1980-1987 era. During the military period, historically developed principles and requirements of the rule of law and democracy were discarded either completely or in part, with some being completely absent and others remaining intact. This turnaround also brought about a fundamental change in the administrative structure and laws of Suriname. In addition, new legal institutions were added to the judicial system.During this period, the then ruling political powers argued that Suriname remained a constitutional democracy and that martial law was only a necessity under the circumstances. To assess to what extent there was democratic rule as well as the justification of the use of martial law, a study was conducted into the theoretics of constitutional democracy and martial law. States often are described as constitutional democracies; however, around the world there are differences as regards to what extent. To measure the degree of democracy, it is tested against internationally recognized frameworks enshrined in international conventions, treaties and doctrines. Theories on the subject of the constitutional democracy and martial law have been developed and fine-tuned over the years. In this research, such theories were applied in order to answer the main question as well as the key questions:How was the setup of the Trias Politica during the 1980 – 1987 military administration?Based on the main question key questions were formulated, namely: 1.How were the three powers arranged?2.What authorities were bestowed upon them?3.How did the three powers relate to each other?4.To what ...

Dutch literature; History, geography, and auxiliary disciplines - Nauw met elkaar verbonden, maakten theater en retorica vanaf de vijftiende eeuw in de Latijnse geleerdencultuur en de volkstalige wereld van het verstedelijkte Europa een renaissance door. Op basis van onderzoek naar ideeën, (literaire) praktijken en leden laat Lustige geesten zien dat de rederijkerskamers de Nederlandse variant waren van een vroegmoderne cultuur van publieke welsprekendheid, met het theater als quintessens. Rederijkers (rhetoriziens) drukten de intellectuele en maatschappelijke missies van hun kamers uit in het kernbegrip retorica (rhetorique) dat zowel verwees naar (utopische) idealen van burgerlijkheid als naar het toepassen van kennis (conste) in een geëngageerde cultuur. De noordelijke Nederlanden (vooral Holland en Zeeland) vormden met de zuidelijke (vooral Vlaanderen en Brabant) één rederijkerswereld van overlappende netwerken waarin via een actieve lees-, gespreks- en discussiecultuur internationale culturele trends lokaal en regionaal verwerkt werden. De middelen van publieke welsprekendheid (het schrijven en opvoeren van toneelspel, lied, gedicht) waren (intern) bedoeld om (in een ludieke en competitieve sfeer) de geest van jonge mannen uit gegoede families en middengroepen te vormen. Door de organisatie (extern) van opvoering in de lokale feestcultuur en op interlokale rederijkersfestivals functioneerden kamers als publicatiecentra voor hun beste schrijvers en performers. De rederijkers droegen zo bij aan de opkomst van een volkstalige geleerdencultuur en namen deel aan het publieke debat. Lustige geesten laat zo zien op welke manieren de sociale, institutionele en culturele elementen van de rederijkerscultuur de maatschappelijke invloed van de rederijkers bepaalden en hun bijdrage aan de opkomst van de (noordelijke) Nederlanden als Europees cultureel centrum. Lustige geesten wordt op unieke wijze aangevuld met de site "http://www.lustigegeesten.nl">www.lustigegeesten.nl. Deze site presenteert een proposografie van rederijkers - een database met biografietjes van alle bekende leden van de rederijkerskamers van Haarlem (1502-1650), Middelburg (1494-1650) en Den Haag (1494) - en een deel van de bestanden waarop de prosopografie en de analyses uit Lustige Geesten gebaseerd zijn. Eerder bij AUP verschenen: Om beters wille. Rederijkerskamers en de stedelijke cultuur in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden (1400-1650)| ISBN 978 90 5356561 2| maart 2008 Conformisten en rebellen. Rederijkerscultuur in de Nederlanden| ISBN 978 90 5356 618 3| januari 2004

If we want to share data, the long-term storage of those data in a trustworthy digital archive is an essential condition. Trust is the basis of storing and sharing data. That trust must be present in the various stakeholders involved. Certification of digital archives can make an important contribution to the confidence of these stakeholders in the digital archives. Ten years ago DANS was assigned the task of developing a Seal of Approval for digital data to ensure that archived data can still be found, understood and used in the future. In 2009 this Data Seal of Approval (DSA) was transferred to an international body, the DSA Board, which has managed and further developed the guidelines and the peer review process ever since. The objectives of the DSA are to safeguard data, ensure high quality and guide reliable management of data for the future without requiring implementation of new standards, regulations or heavy investments. The DSA contains 16 guidelines for applying and verifying quality aspects concerning the creation, storage, use and reuse of digital data. Based on feedback from data archives that applied for a DSA and different case studies we have gained some insight into the benefits of DSA. Still, the impact of having the Seal is not easy to measure. Seal holders usually refer to qualitative benefits in the form of increased awareness of the value of their repositories to their communities, funders and publishers. Ten years down the line we can safely state that the Data Seal of Approval has proven its added value. If we try to look five years into the future, what can we expect? There are different developments: a growing interest in DSA among European research infrastructures, the collaboration between DSA and the ISCU World Data System under the umbrella of the RDA (Research Data Alliance) and the European Commission is showing a growing interest in certification services. The success of DSA also provides the challenge to further professionalize the DSA organization in the coming years, this to enable its community to continue to grow.

Diese Masterarbeit verfolgt das Ziel, die Übertragbarkeit der niederländischen Radverkehrspolitik auf Deutschland zu untersuchen. Aus dieser Zielsetzung ergibt sich die folgende Hauptfrage: "Inwiefern kann die niederländische Radverkehrspolitik als Beispiel für die weitere Förderung der alltäglichen Fahrradnutzung in deutschen Städten dienen?" Es wurden deutsche und niederländische Experten befragt, die sich beruflich mit Radverkehrsförderung auf politischer oder gesellschaftlicher Ebene beschäftigen. Die Interviews wurden durch eine vergleichende Politikdokumentenanalyse der niederländischen und deutschen Masterpläne unterstützt. Aus dieser Studie ergibt sich, dass sich deutsche Städte gut an den Niederlanden orientieren können. Inwiefern aber die niederländischen Elemente tatsächlich in die Praxis der deutschen Städten umgesetzt werden können, hängt von der Stadtgröße, dem zugehörigen Kreis/Bundesland und das politische Engagement der lokalen Verwaltung ab.

Het systematisch literatuuroverzicht (systematic review) heeft de laatste jaren enorm aan impact gewonnen in het evidence-based discours en wordt beschouwd als een belangrijke informatiebron ter ondersteuning van besliskunde op praktijk en politiek niveau. Een systematisch literatuuroverzicht brengt resultaten van diverse individuele studies samen om betrouwbare antwoorden te genereren op welbepaalde vragen en wordt gepromoot door internationale non-profitorganisaties, zoals de Cochrane Collaboration en de Campbell Collaboration.
Auteurs van systematische literatuuroverzichten (reviewers) streven een systematische identificatie, evaluatie en synthese na van alle relevante studies rond een bepaald onderwerp, gebaseerd op een expliciete en voorgedefinieerde methodologie. Hierbij wordt uitgegaan van een te beantwoorden vraag, een welgedefinieerde zoekstrategie, in- en exclusiecriteria voor studies, een kwaliteitsbeoordeling van de geselecteerde studies, en de extractie van resultaten uit die individuele studies, wat resulteert in een synthese. Momenteel is de vraag naar de evaluatie van de effectiviteit van medische, therapeutische, educatieve, sociale of criminologische interventies dominant in deze literatuuroverzichten. Hiervoor worden de resultaten uit studies – bij voorkeur gerandomiseerde, gecontroleerde experimenten – samengebracht door middel van een meta-analyse, een statistische techniek waarmee een gepoold resultaat verkregen wordt dat zich uitspreekt in het voor- of nadeel van een bepaalde interventie. Er is echter een groeiende belangstelling voor en erkenning van de waarde van inzichten uit kwalitatief onderzoek. Die inzichten kunnen immers helpen om de resultaten uit syntheses van kwantitatief onderzoek beter te situeren, om de vraagstelling mee te informeren en om een aantal vragen te beantwoorden die moeilijk door kwantitatief onderzoek kunnen worden beantwoord. Voorbeelden van dergelijke vragen zijn: Hoe moeten we interventies implementeren in een bepaalde context? Hoe kan een interventie verbeterd worden? Sluit de interventie aan bij de subjectieve noden van de doelgroep? Hoe wordt de interventie ervaren door diegenen die ze moeten uitvoeren of ondergaan? Die interesse heeft ertoe geleid dat meerdere onderzoekers zich zijn gaan buigen over de vraag hoe die kwalitatief georiënteerde inzichten op een methodologisch verantwoorde manier kunnen worden samengevat. Uiteraard hoeven syntheses van kwalitatief onderzoek niet aan te sluiten bij een systematisch literatuuroverzicht. Er zijn ook voorbeelden van syntheses die op zichzelf staan, zonder enige link met een bestaand literatuuroverzicht. De laatste jaren werd er enorm geïnvesteerd in het ontwikkelen van methoden voor het uitvoeren van syntheses van kwalitatief onderzoek (Dixon-Woods, Agarwal, Jones, Young & Sutton, 2005; Barnett-Page & Thomas, 2009). Twee van die methoden brachten een ondersteunend softwarepakket op de markt, EPPI-reviewer en QARI. EPPI-reviewer (Evidence for Policy and Practice Information and Coordinating Centre review software) werd ontwikkeld ter ondersteuning van thematische syntheses (Thomas & Harden, 2008), QARI (Qualitative Assessment and Review Instrument) werd ontwikkeld in de context van meta-aggregatie (Joanna Briggs Institute, 2007). Meta-aggregatie werd reeds toegepast in talloze literatuuroverzichten geproduceerd door het Joanna Briggs Institute, meestal als onderdeel van een mixed-methods-review. QARI is een onderdeel van het Joanna Briggs
SUMARI softwarepakket (System for the unified management, assessment and review of information). SUMARI biedt software aan voor het uitwerken van literatuuroverzichten met betrekking tot vraagstellingen naar de effectiviteit, kosten en baten van interventies (syntheses van kwantitatief onderzoek) alsook naar de haalbaarheid, gepastheid en betekenis van interventies of fenomenen (syntheses van kwalitatief onderzoek). QARI kan enkel gebruikt worden voor het beantwoorden van kwalitatieve onderzoeksvragen. Ik illustreer het softwarepakket QARI aan de hand van een meta-aggregatie rond barrières ten aanzien van de implementatie van evidence-based praktijkvoering in België (Hannes, 2008).

The hereafter following is abstract of the discourse held by Prof. dr. ir. C. L. Temminck Groll in honour of the jubilee 1899-1989 of the KNOB on September 23th 1989. The KNOB (Royal Antiquarian Society of the Netherlands) exists 90 years. A respectable age after human standards. Although a society depends on human devotion it does not know age limitations. This is an excellent moment to reflect upon our centenary. Then, in 1999, we will have to present an extremely good manifest for the coming millennium! We have been spoiled very much during the past 90 years. Which of the founders would have expected so many people professionally involved at the protection of monuments? Which of them could have estimated the money available to realize restoration activities? Still, despite of all we obtained, we are rightly concerned about our country and especially that part of the world beyond our borders. These concerns are formulated by the National Geographic Society which hereby stated: 'Can we save this fragile earth?' This society aims at the earth herself as well as at human achievements. Co-operation between the protection of nature and the protection of monuments certainly is sensible and could be one of our future actions. How much nature, how much culture is not already 'dead'! Wren's St. Benet in London f.e. seems saved, but surrounded by flowing thoroughfares the church misses every relation with the original urban structure. Thus in fact the monument has not been saved. At Liège, Belgium, 20th century traffic and concrete buildings overran the medieval Place St. Lambert. And what about the European countryside? How much harmonious farmer's land has not been industrialized yet? Old structures disappear everywhere. Instead of the newly made our Society had to study more and more the continuous changes of the already extant. As to our foreign activities, we can distinguish three angles of incidence. First of all: what can we learn from other countries? Our founder mr. dr. J.C. Overvoorde already realized the importance of study of the way monuments are protected in different European countries. ICOMOS at present is the platform to discuss organizational and substantial aspects. Second: stock-taking of Dutch cultural influences to other regions in Europe, which subject used to attract more attention than it does now. At last: Dutch influences beyond European borders. Like our founder in 1910-11 studied Hindu-Buddhistic antiquaries and the monuments of the Dutch East-Indian Company our Foundation Social History of the Dutch Oversea studies these treasures now. One of her working-groups tries to solve Indonesian problems with respect to the protection of monuments and started stocktaking of especially younger architecture and town-planning. Still, a lot remains to be done on this field in the 'West'! Borders fade. But with the introduction of new fields of work we may not forget the old. Not the older monuments, since we are occupied with the young, not the Dutch, being directed at the whole world. After the question of what we study, the question rises how. Our purpose always was protection. Unlike nature culture cannot renew herself: we have to 'maintain'. And then mankind also is a piece of nature with continuous new desires to which the extant has been adapted. 'Maintain' as well as 'adapt to' means: to change. We can let nature change the made - how beautifully weathered the ruins are! - but we can also preserve the weathering - until now. Replacement of weathered material by new in the shape of colour it used to have is another possibility. Also opinions about this sort of alterations are constantly changing. Thus a platform like the KNOB at national level or ICOMOS at international level will always be needed. That's why: an extremely good manifesto in 10 years. One that states that we are occupied with changing instead of static affairs. Alterations must be directed professionally in a careful and modest way. For the real is infinitely more valuable than the copy.

POLITICS BY PROVINCE: Goal-oriented rational action or value-oriented rational action in closed debate on the Wadden region and public consultation on the ecological infrastructure General This thesis is a study of political conduct, and of provincial politics in particular. It is based on three research projects. The first two research projects are empirical studies that examine, respectively, the functioning of the discussion platform for government bodies relating to the Wadden Islands area and the relationship between the regional press and provincial political organs. Each of these two projects is based on a defined problem, a theoretical framework, methodology and conclusions. Although both case studies deal with provincial politics, they are completely separate from each other. The third case study is theoretical. It seeks to clarify the rationalization theories of Max Weber and Karl Mannheim, and place the concepts of goaloriented rational action and value-oriented rational action in their theoretical context. This theoretical chapter produces a number of research questions that can be used as a 'rationality grid' to be applied to the two empirical case studies in order to determine what form of action, goal-rational or value-rational, characterizes provincial politics. Chapter One describes the background to the studies and gives a short introduction to the research themes. This chapter also presents a view of contemporary provincial politics and discusses the scientific position from which this thesis has been written, emphasizing the unique role of the sociological vision. How does the government manage the Wadden Sea? The first section examines the way in which the government manages the Wadden Sea. The study is based on an evaluation study of the functioning of the Coördinatiecollege Waddengebied (CCW) in the period 1987 to 1994. The CCW (a platform for administrative consultation between the government, the Wadden provinces and the Wadden municipalities) was set up in 1980 for the purpose of "ensuring coherent administration and an coordinated policy by the government, provinces and municipalities with regard to the Wadden region." The study is based on a bottleneck analysis; in other words, by identifying problems, concrete solutions can be proposed. The evaluation study employed a combination of two popular lines of research in organizational sociology literature – the 'whole-system approach' and the 'parties approach'. In the whole-system approach, shared values or a feeling of solidarity are what unites the organization. In the parties approach, the organization is seen as a coalition of parties with different interests and aims. The parties work together for their own benefit, or because negative sanctions force them to do so. Both approaches are integrated in the 'parties-withina-system' perspective, which focuses on the relationships between the parties and the organization as a whole. This integral approach was used to evaluate the functioning of the CCW because the CCW places great emphasis on shared values and responsibilities, which are the core elements of the whole-system approach. At the same time, however, the CCW is composed of different parties which all have their own tasks, powers and interests – the core elements of the parties approach. This perspective has been tailored to the evaluation of the CCW using the following criteria: shared values, support base, differing interests, power structure, sense of purpose, and success/failure factors. The study is based on qualitative interviews with participants in the CCW platforms, telephone interviews with councillors and members of the States General, dossier analyses and reconstructions from minutes from the CCW consultations on the following cases: enlarging the scope of the Nature Conservation Act; delegation of powers with regard to inspection and control; co-ordination of international activities, problems relating to 'traditional brown shipping'; the review of the Waddenzee II Key Planning Decision, and gas extraction in the Wadden Sea. This treatment of the original research report emphasizes a systematic description of conduct within the context of the administrative co-ordination of the Wadden region, which is usually of a closed nature. The main problem areas are the following:  a lack of shared values due to the fact that the purpose of the Wadden consultation platform is given a different interpretation depending on the interests in question;  by way of preparation for the Wadden consultations, a process of harmonization takes place within the various authorities, thereby creating an administrative support base. However, this process of preliminary consultation and feedback reveals the other side of the bureaucratic coin – this circuit is, administratively and politically speaking, strongly inward-looking;  there are no substantial conflicts of interest between the layers of government. However, mutual suspicion exists with regard to the extent to which other parties are committed to the Wadden policy. Each party suspects that the other parties will ultimately allow economic interests to prevail;  with regard to the delegation of authority, the balance of power between the government and the provinces is seen as unacceptable. The continuous lack of consensus, whether manifest or otherwise, is a barrier to discussion on a equal footing;  there are various problems relating to the sense of purpose, including the role of the Chairman and the lack of a clear definition/delegation of tasks. This analysis shows that the problems are not related to the structure of the Wadden consultative platform but rather to its culture, and more specifically to the participants' perceptions of the role and responsibilities of the platform. In addition, there appears to be a distinct lack of leadership. The main conclusions are as follows:  harmonization within the various Wadden authorities (government, provinces and municipalities) hampers harmonization between the Wadden authorities;  the representatives from the three layers of government do not present the role and purpose of the consultative platform in a consistent and uniform way;  the CCW is hampered in its work by an ongoing debate about how powers are delegated between the layers of government. Because the analysis of success and failure factors revealed that clearly defined relationships between the government authorities are essential for successful consultation, possible solutions aim to create that clarity. Recommendations have been laid down, for example, relating to the role of the Chairman, drawing up the agenda, and clearly defining the tasks of the various bodies. Although, as far back as 1995, the CCW largely acknowledged the problem areas and supported the proposals for improvement, none of the recommendations will actually be implemented before 2001. Politics and the press on the ecological infrastructure in Friesland and Drenthe Section 2 describes a study of the relationship between the regional press and northern provincial politics. The basis for the study is the political decision-making regarding the establishment of the ecological infrastructure in the provinces of Friesland and Drenthe in the period 1989 to 1996. The conclusion of a survey of the relationship between the printed press and parliamentary democracy is that the main function of the press is to provide information, criticism and comment. The role of information-provider is examined on the basis of the following:  actual report of a meeting of the Provincial Councils;  a news report giving information about matters relating to the ecological infrastructure in both provinces;  a background article describing the context, history and/or different interpretations of matters relating to the ecological infrastructure. The role of critic is examined on the basis of the following:  editorial comment;  a column in which one of the editors gives his opinion under his own name;  opinions of third parties, in which a third party, who is not an editor, is given the opportunity to express an opinion. Using four recent examples, it is then argued that the central question relating to the relationship between politics and the press is one of management – who controls political communication or, put another way, is the relationship determined by 'party logic' or by 'media logic'? The study will compare decision-making on the ecological infrastructure (as this was perceived in decision-making meetings of the provincial councils) with reporting by the regional press in both provinces. The decision-making process of the provincial councils was reconstructed for this purpose. The result is not only an analytical reconstruction of the decision-making surrounding the ecological infrastructure in Friesland and Drenthe, but also a chronicle of provincial political customs and morals. A quantitative and qualitative analysis subsequently shows how the regional press fulfils its role as information provider and critic. The quantitative analysis addresses the question of how often the press fulfils its role as information provider and critic with regard to decision-making on the ecological infrastructure. The qualitative analysis addresses the question of how the press fulfils those roles. It is argued that the quality of the information provided is determined by the degree of objectivity, but that the best measure of quality is a clear standpoint. These conclusions were used to formulate an 'ideal' against which the quality of informative and critical articles can be measured. A factual report is as objective as possible when:  it deals not only with the decision itself, but also with the opinion-forming process;  it gives the opinion not only of the representatives of official bodies, but also of opponents or those outside such bodies;  the reporter does not give his own opinion. A news report or background article is as objective as possible when:  it presents more than one perspective and/or quotes more than one authority on the subject. An editorial or column makes a constructive critical contribution when:  the author adopts a clear standpoint;  the context (history, background or current event) of that standpoint is given;  the author describes how the standpoint was reached, and on which information or authorities it is based. Conclusions about the information function:  in almost half of the cases, the regional newspapers do not report on provincial council meetings relating to the ecological infrastructure. The people who live in the province, but fall outside a given environmental or agricultural target group, will not become informed about the ecological infrastructure by reading their local newspaper. Neither will they become informed about the role of the provincial government in this;  in the reports which do deal with meetings of the provincial councils, there is a lack of balance. Generally speaking, no effort is made in such reports to show the full palette of political colours represented in the provincial council;  there is only relatively wide newspaper coverage on occasions when political emotions are running high. Examples are: Friesland in 1993, when an agreement was reached with the agricultural sector, and Drenthe in 1993, when an amended programme of intent for the soil-protection areas was introduced (the agricultural lobby also played an important role in this). This attention from the press can be explained by incident politics. Political groups hold widely different opinions; they make no effort to hide their differences and journalists are keen to pick up on this. Another possible explanation is that, in these cases, ecological policy is heavily influenced by the farming lobby, which itself is strongly supported by influential political groups;  the news reports are usually brief and present an event from only one perspective, without a journalistic contribution from the author. This leads to the inevitable conclusion that press releases sent to the newspapers have been published without any further interpretation;  the most common simple perspective is that which opposes the ecological infrastructure;  there are very few background articles. Background articles that clarify the situation, and outline the problems confronting provincial politicians, are indispensable with regard to a far-reaching and complex plan such as the development of the ecological infrastructure of the two provinces;  it is notable that most of the background articles are only written from one perspective, with very little informative context. On the basis of these findings, it appears that the way in which the regional press fulfils its role as information provider leaves room for improvement. Scant attention is paid to council decision-making and the quality of reporting also leaves something to be desired. Little can be said about how the press fulfils the role as critic because so few articles appear in this context. The question Who controls political communication? cannot therefore be answered because the press pays too little attention to provincial politics. Goal-oriented or value-oriented rationality: which form of rationality determines political action? Section 3 examines which form of rationality (i.e. goal-oriented or value-oriented rationality) occurs most in the closed discussions between government bodies in the Wadden study, or in public discussions on the ecological infrastructure from the study of the relationship between politics and the press. For this purpose the rationalization theories from the work of Weber and Mannheim were used. Both Weber and Mannheim recognise increasing instrumental and formal rationality (Weber) and functional rationality (Mannheim) in all areas of life, and a decrease in material rationality (Weber) and substantial rationality (Mannheim). Weber and Mannheim identify the rise and influence of a specific form of instrumental rationality, particularly within economic, legal and bureaucratic institutions. Within such institutions, actions are characterized by goal-oriented rationality. This means that the prevalent institutional pattern of norms and values that more or less prescribes how people should act within the institutions (role-related behaviour) places great emphasis on goal-rational behaviour. In order to establish whether this also applies in provincial politics and administration, a study was made of the conception of rationality in the work of Weber and Mannheim. The question of whether goal-oriented or value-oriented rationality is dominant is addressed by a secondary analysis of the material. The secondary analysis takes the form of a 'rationality grid' that is applied to the material from the two empirical studies. The grid has a coarsely meshed structure that can separate out goal-oriented and value-oriented rationality. Following the study of Weber and Mannheim's concepts of rationality, goal-oriemted rational action is defined in this study as action that is geared towards finding the most appropriate means to achieve a goal that is considered as given. When action is successful in terms of the defined goal, we speak of goal-oriented rational action and formal rationality. Success or effectiveness is therefore the measure for goal-rational behaviour. The essence of this concept is expressed in the following questions:  is conduct geared towards resources and procedures within the given of administrative co-ordination or within the structured political (provincial) discussions?  are the goals open to discussion? If action is a logical extension of or derives from a higher value or ideal, we speak of 'valueoriented rational action' and 'material rationality'. The extent to which an action is valueoriented is therefore the measure for value-rationality. In this study, value-oriented rational action is defined as action that is based on the assessment of the desirability of a given goal by means of a party-political value system. The essence of the concept, as used in the present context, is expressed in the following question:  is the action geared towards assessing the desirability of a particular goal, based on a political value system? Conclusions: 1. With regard to discussion between government bodies on the subject of the Wadden region, the hypothesis was that, within the sphere of formalised and regulated administrative co-ordination in the Wadden region, actions are largely determined by goal-oriented rationality. The purpose of the discussion platform is, after all, to co-ordinate and realise goals defined elsewhere. The hypothesis is confirmed – the Wadden discussion platform is characterized by goal-oriented rational action. But this type of action is not related to the ultimate goal of the discussion platform but rather to another goal: the increasing of the influence and governance of the government layer in question. 2. With regard to the decision-making on the ecological infrastructure in Friesland and Drenthe, the hypothesis was that political decision-making debates are characterized by the discussion of values to be lived up to and aims to be realised. It is therefore to be expected that such debates are mainly characterized by value-oriented rationality. However, the findings do not confirm this hypothesis. The discussions of the provincial councils of Drenthe and Friesland are certainly not goal-rational in nature, yet neither can they be described as valuerational. Actions are indeed geared towards assessing the desirability of a particular goal, but that assessment is not based on a political value system. It is not party-political principles that determine political conduct; it would be more true to say that conduct is based on notions of consistency in terms of policy and support.