Suchergebnisse

After the collapse of the USSR, a huge superpower that occupied one sixth of the land, the question of succession arose before the states that were part of it. The USSR occupied a vast territory, participated in international obligations, had debts, was a member of international organizations. It was obvious that the relationship between the newly formed states depended on how it was possible to divide the "legacy" of the USSR. The USSR took an active position at the international level, was engaged in the development of weapons. The issue of dividing all assets and liabilities worried the entire international community. His decision was difficult, and the legal basis for making decisions on succession did not seem to everyone to be indisputable. At present, it is obvious to everyone that the Russian Federation became the main heir of the USSR, it was the Russian Federation that continued the policy of the USSR, continued to participate in international relations and in the fulfillment of obligations, despite the equality of all states that were part of the USSR. The issues of the succession of the USSR and Russia are the subject of study of modern international law. Within the framework of this article, some aspects of the indicated topic will be highlighted.

The aim of the article is to define and catalog the factors preventing political entropy in an international realm – natural tendency of increasing of disorder and progressing of disintegration in global scale. In the first part of the paper, the author extensively referred on how the second law of thermodynamics – the law of entropy are used by social scientists for explanation of phenomena of their interest, and on the basis of available scientific literature, the metaphor of political entropy was formulated. Subsequently, in the second part of the article, this metaphor was used as a framework for identification, highlighting and classification of those factors, which – in the author's opinion – significantly contribute to the slowdown or stopping entropy in an international realm. In the commentaries and conclusions, those factors were interpreted from the institutional perspective, stressing the importance of institutionalization for regulation and stabilization of international relations, and for creation of international order – the anti-thesis of political entropy.

The aim of the article is to show the explanatory and prognostic power of theories of international relations (neorealism, neo-liberal institutionalism and social constructivism) in the situation of visible problems with predicting the end of the Cold War and explaining the democratization process in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. In the face of significant changes that have influenced the formation of a new post-Cold War international order, it is necessary to consider the importance of the theory in adopting appropriate research strategies so that on the one hand, it is possible to predict the course of events with some degree of probability and on the other, to explain their essence and importance. The end of the Cold War and the process of transforming the countries of Central and Eastern Europe thus pose a general and extremely important question about the possibility of developing a scientific approach to the analysis of international relations, which goes beyond only short-term observation of current events. The article analyzes the most important theoretical approaches in the context of adopting such a research strategy, thanks to which one could depart from the dominance of extreme, mutually exclusive positions. The great debates that have been held so far have shown that wealth in science is not a one-sided approach, even if at some point or time we are dealing with the supremacy of a particular theory or a methodological approach. The fiasco of the science of international relations in predicting the end of the Cold War has shown the necessity of undertaking such activities whose task would be to combine rather than exclude. The end of the Cold War and the transformation process of Central and Eastern Europe are therefore treated as case studies that help in testing the theory of international relations as adequate instruments for analyzing the changing international situation.

The aim of this paper is an analysis of development-induced displacement as a global social problem, diverse category of internal displacement and challenge for the international institutions and public international law. The problem in strongly linked with the reflection on the mechanisms of legal protection of particularly vulnerable communities and minorities. The paper complements the studies on empowerment of indigenous communities and more sustanaible development growth conducted on the basis of development studies.

Disinformation and propaganda are key aspects of Russia's war strategy as it uses the information environment to justify its actions in international politics, both domestically and abroad, and to coerce audiences into unwittingly supporting its actions. Russia, leading up to and throughout the conflict with Ukraine, brought the full scope of its propaganda apparatus to bear, leveraging overt and covert capabilities on both media and disinformation tools to justify the invasion and [attempt to] destroy international support for Ukraine. What kind of instruments, methods, and narratives has Russia used before and after its invasion of Ukraine? The spread of disinformation by the Russian Federation prior to and after the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 as well as the actions taken in response by Ukraine, allied governments, and civil and international organizations provide an important perspective as well as lessons on how to counteract disinformation and propagandistic narratives.

Nuclear weaponry is a factor of military deterrence, hence is also a key means of shaping security and maintaining strategic balance. Therefore, despite implementation of the policy of a nuclear non-proliferation, there is no political will towards eliminating it completely and ultimately. The aim of the article is to analyze and assess the impact of nuclear weapons on shaping the international security policy. In the paper, the author assumed that nuclear weapons, in both political and military categories, are an important factor in shaping international relations. Therefore the importance of nuclear weapons in international relations, despite the passage of time, does not change much. Most countries that possess nuclear weapons, modernize and expand their arsenals, seeing in that not only an expression of power but also guarantee to its security. Studying the article should at least bring some reflection on the evolution of nuclear weapons as a mean of shaping contemporary security relationships.

Wileński szczyt Partnerstwa Wschodniego może okazać się punktem zwrotnym w polityce wschodniej UE. Podpisanie umowy stowarzyszeniowej z Ukrainą i parafowanie porozumień z Mołdową i Gruzją byłoby wielkim krokiem w kierunku zbliżenia wschodnich partnerów do UE, stabilizacji jej wschodniego sąsiedztwa i reform przeobrażających te kraje zgodnie z zasadami rządów prawa, demokracji i wolnego rynku. Opóźnienie tego procesu może mieć negatywne skutki dla UE i jej wschodnich sąsiadów. Jednak szczyt w Wilnie to nie koniec. Nie zmaleje zapotrzebowanie na odważne działania UE, która stawić musi czoło wyzwaniom wyłaniającym się w krajach sąsiedztwa wschodniego. Wprost przeciwnie, przyszły rozwój wypadków wymaga nowego strategicznego myślenia państw członkowskich UE i ich instytucji. Polityka wschodnia UE staje w obliczu decydującego sprawdzianu.

The subject of the article is the assessment of the impact of international
corporations' activities on the development of Polish commodity
exports against the background of Central European countries in 2004–2018. The detailed analysis covers changes in the value, dynamics, product and geographical structure of exports, the importance of foreign subsidiaries of international corporations in creating export potential and the share of foreign value added in gross exports. The conducted analysis showed a high degree of dependence of Polish exports, as well as those of the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia on the operations of foreign subsidiaries of international corporations. Their share in
the total exports exceeded 50% during the analyzed period, and 85% in the exports of cars and trucks, pharmaceuticals, tobacco products, computers, electronic and optical devices. An important factor in the development of exports is the phenomenon of international fragmentation of production processes. It causes an increase in
trade turnover in subassemblies and intermediate goods. We can estimate the scale of production fragmentation by measuring the share of foreign value added in gross exports. The highest share of foreign value added occurred in the exports of Hungary and Slovakia and exceeded 40%. In Poland, foreign value added accounted for around 27% of gross exports. In all analyzed countries, foreign value added came mainly from the European Union countries, especially from Germany. In recent years, the share of intermediate goods imported from China has also been growing.

The contemporary economic security of states depends more and more heavily on technological factors. The paper provides a comparative study covering the trade of the Visegrád Group with a primary purpose to explore directions of technological change, revealed in the structure of their exports, their likely causes, and consequences. The research problem was positioned in an interdisciplinary methodological perspective, merging critical security studies, international political economy, international economics, and new public governance. The obtained results prove characteristics of V4 economies typical of dependent capitalism and confirm the structural challenge of foreign technological guidance.

The following publication elaborates on the notion of international tax competition and international tax avoidance in the light of cross-border public policy. In terms of intercommunity relations, tax competition may be defined as a phenomenon consisting in application of various tax instruments for the purpose of developing a state's economy and prosperity by means of increasing competitiveness of the domestic business activity or attracting foreign investments. Tax competition is a natural consequence of the processes of globalization since in the reality of growing business interrelations, tax considerations exert more and more influence over investment decisions of holding companies. It reveals the dissonance between the interests of the particular member states in the EU and the interest of the European Union as a whole. Usually it is difficult to mark the border between a harmful and an advantageous tax competition.

The conflict in Syria that started in 2011 has quickly evolved from a local uprising inspired by the events of the so-called "Arab Spring" into a multidimensional and complicated conflict of a civil war character, with many diverse participants and a very significant religious factor apart from political and socioeconomic reasons. Furthermore, the conflict has become internationalized: more and more external parties have gotten involved in it with a view to furthering or safeguarding their own interests. A vast majority of these actors were states (as far as legal entities are concerned). In the context of their activity, operations of non-state entities, such as international organizations, were rather limited and focused on social and humanitarian issues. This also pertains to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Evolving from a typical defensive alliance towards a security organization and, since the end of the Cold War, consistently operating outside the area covered by the Treaty (understood as the territories of member states), NATO as an autonomous entity has not taken any consistent, coordinated, or decisive actions during the first years of the Syrian conflict. This is due to both the specific features of this international organization and the determinants of the international environment with their dynamics.

This book explores the impact of climate change on the legal situation of small island states such as Marshall Islands. Climate change-related problems of these nations touching their legal situation in a very different way than in the case of large countries threatened by economic and social consequences of sea level rise (such as Bangladesh, Vietnam, Nigeria and Egypt). Presentation of scientific forecasts is an introduction to the in-depth deliberations from the point of view of international law. According to many researchers, global sea level rise of 0,5-1 m. is highly possible in the next hundred years. Sea level rise is not the only climate-related threat experienced by small island states. Among other significant problems associated with climate change we can list tropical cyclones, floods, and droughts. Island nations must prepare for such problems on the basis of public international law. The authors draw attention to the most crucial legal challenges associated with sea level rise, such as the deterritorialization of the state, continuity of statehood, the issue of citizenship or the legal status of forced environmental migrants. The authors draw attention to the significant legal challenges (e.g. the legal status of migrants forced to leave their country of origin/residence as a result of irreversible climate change). This issue has still not been regulated by international law documents. Much attention is also being paid to the analysis of the consequences of climate change on the basis of international law of the sea. The core elements of the analysis presented in this book are, inter alia, the impact of sea level rise on Exclusive Economic Zones and fishing rights. The book is focused on the social and legal challenges facing microstates. Presented considerations may become a useful point of reference in the analysis of the problems facing larger countries affected by climate change and sea level rise.

The article analyses the current, post-crisis case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in cases concerning the so-called Dublin Regulation, i.e. Regulation 604/2013, which establishes the criteria and mechanisms for determining the Member State responsible for examining an application for international protection lodged in one of the Member States by a third-country national. The aim of the article is to analyze the standard of migration security in the area of Dublin cases. The key problem for the discussed issue was the judgment in the Jawo case, in which the Court of Justice examined the admissibility of Dublin transfers to the Italian Republic on the grounds that there was a risk of extreme material deprivation of the migrant. The Jawo case is a continuation of high-profile international court rulings in cases such as M.S.S., Tarakhel (ECtHR) and N.S. (CJEU), which decided to suspend transfers to Italy and Greece. Apart from the issues of protection against inhuman treatment, the jurisprudence of the CJEU also draws attention to the issues of legal security, effectiveness and accessibility of administrative procedures for third-country nationals seeking international protection in the EU. Finally, the standard of migration security in the Dublin area also includes the obligation to act in solidarity and mutual trust between the Member States, as set out in the judgments of the CJEU.

The article describes the international cooperation of local governments, which are a form of decentralization of democratic states. This cooperation developed massively after the Second World War. Today more than 200,000 local and regional communities participate in it, cooperating not only by direct contacts, but also through various types of organizations and networks. This is a new and growing phenomenon in the international environment. On selected examples of Polish local governments, it is shown how strong are the positive ties between members of territorial communities from different countries, built by this cooperation. Their strength and nature are shown by presenting the activities of selected Polish local governments during the extreme crisis, i.e. the war in Ukraine. Thus, it was presented how Polish local governments help the attacked Ukrainians and Ukraine.

The change in the nature and ways of using military force in international politics at the end of the 20th century led to the development of new methods of cooperation between states. The circle of entities influencing diplomatic activities, apart from political and military institutions, expanded to include also civil and non-governmental centers. This raised questions about the scale of their actual impact on shaping international security and about the areas in which they were most active. This article aims to present the activities of Polish think tanks for defense diplomacy. Assuming that they showed commitment in this respect, the areas of activities they undertook were identified and the recipients to which they were addressed were pointed out. The analysis was based on data obtained as a result of a survey conducted at the turn of 2019-2020 on a group of fifteen Polish expert think tanks2 operating in the field of international relations, political science, and security and defense. The research used a comparative method (comparative studies), content analysis and a survey method. The tool with which the study was conducted was an electronic questionnaire developed in the Survio program. For the purposes of these analyzes, a hypothesis was adopted that non-political entities in the form of think tanks play an important role in activities for security. They address their activities to political, military and social circles, but the public and scientific circles benefit to the greatest extent from their expert potential.