Suchergebnisse

The aim of the paper is to analyze how Europeanization is used as an instrument of the European Union's foreign policy in the field of promoting democracy in the world. This fi rst requires an indication that all EU activities, including its relations with the international environment, are based on specific normative foundations. They include the so-called European values regarding, generally speaking, the promotion of democracy and broadly
understood human rights, as well as strengthening peace in international relations. "European values" are not only political and ideological guidelines, but also legal norms enshrined in EU treaties, so the promotion of democracy is one of the basic goals of the EU's foreign policy. Analysis of the EU's promotion of democracy requires the presentation of the main categories used to study this issue, i.e. showing what is understood by Europeanization, as well as by the associated concepts of democratization and socialization. Then mechanisms of europeanization are examined, as well as its results and evaluation of its effectiveness is provided. In this respect the case study is very helpful, in that it examines the results of
Europeanization in relation to the EU partner countries covered by the Eastern Partnership. The paper ends with fi nal remarks constituting a summary of the studied issues.

The development of the information society has initiated the need for creating new instruments with the help of which the authorities can reach out to citizens. Therefore, cyberspace has recently become a place of activity of a number of entities including state and international organizations (together with the European Union). The result of this phenomenon is the creation of the so-called digital diplomacy as new quality in the so-called diplomacy of the EU. The EU diplomacy currently uses a number of e-tools, among others, Facebook, MySpace, Daily Motion, YouTube, etc. These tools are a very good method to improve and warm up the image of the Union in the international arena. This kind of diplomacy was only formed at the beginning of the twenty-first century and has a great prospect of development, thus, it is worth considering in which direction its evolution should follow. Digital diplomacy is a de facto response to the problem of the EU communication with the outside world and the growing number of Internet users.

This article is a case study of the role played by a non-governmental organisation in the development policy and development assistance on the example of the Coprodeli Foundation in Peru. In developed democratic countries, the organs of state power entrust part of their tasks to civil society organisations. However, these organisations can also become the leader in the development policy replacing or supporting the state. This determination is particularly important in the perspective of developing countries. However, the business model of these organisations must be inclusive and not substitute. The model developed by Coprodeli involves both beneficiaries, local and state power and business structures, and other aid organisations. Participation of many entities and the specifics of the work of the foundation, which places entire settlements in places neglected and affected by natural disasters, makes the model developed by Coprodeli important for the advancement of the theory of development assistance policy.

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie japońskiego soft power, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem kultury jako jednego z czynników soft power. Japońska dyplomacja kulturalna wykorzystująca kulturę popularną jest przykładem zręcznie prowadzonej polityki międzynarodowej. Promowanie pozytywnego wizerunku państwa poprzez soft power na arenie międzynarodowej wzmacnia ekonomiczne oraz polityczne znaczenie państwa. Artykuł skupia się na dwóch kwestiach: historii japońskiego soft power oraz jego praktycznemu zastosowaniu. W podsumowaniu sugeruje się, że japoński soft power nie będzie tak znaczący z racji wzrastającego potencjału Chin.

When analyzing the importance of Maghreb in Spain's foreign policy, attention should be paid to its geostrategic location, between Europe and Africa. This gives priority to southern Mediterranean countries. The historical experiences and socio-cultural pluralism (the clash of Christian and Muslim civilizations) are also important. The mutual economic relations deserve attention. Spain's relations with the Maghreb are often seen only through the prism of relations with Morocco. They can be described as so-called relación obcesiva. For decades, bilateral relations focused primarily on issues such as immigration, Spanish possessions in North Africa, and the issue of Western Sahara. The main goal for Spain was to stabilize not only Morocco but all of the Maghreb. The strategic importance of the region was due to its geographical proximity, economic and trade potential as well as cultural influences.

TTIP - the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is an agreement that carries a number of risks for the economy, the natural environment, consumer rights, labour rights and access to public services in the European Union. The mechanisms included in the agreement, concerning the settlement of disputes between states and foreign investors, pose a number of threats to democracy as well. The benefits that are supposed to result from the implementation of the agreement will primarily be reaped by large corporations involved in the transatlantic trade. Mostly the citizens and societies of the EU member states will be under threat from the agreement. The principle of mutual recognition of regulations, which is expected to be practically universally used in accordance with the agreement, will mean in practice lowering safeguards protecting the rights of citizens, workers and consumers in the European Union. The liberalization of trade within the TTIP will be a factor forcing increased competition also in relation to the Polish small and medium-sized enterprises, and as a result, putting also pressure to reduce wages and other costs, including those related to the need of complying with the norms or standards. Thus, there are far more threats than benefits of the agreement.

This paper discusses Helena Radlinska's (1879-1954) international activity. Helena Radlińska was the initiator of social pedagogy in Poland but her activities abroad in 1918-1939 is not yet known. Her works, their scope, aims and directions were interconnected with the largest european centres of education: International Congress of Moral Education in London, International Office of Education in Geneva, International Leuge of New Socialization in Geneva, Association of International Conferences of Adult Education in England and International Conferences of Social Services in Paris. Her engagement for many years in these organizations led to multiple social and institutional achievements together with scientific, methodological and methodical developments. Along this route the main life achievement in Radlinska's life- the development of a discipline of social pedaogogy, connects the development of individuals with insvestment in social and cultural spehere of life. Radlinska's activity makes Warsaw of her times one of the core places of international cooperation in the field of education, socialisation and social work.

The main purpose of the article is to present how the Greek- -Macedonian naming dispute influenced the problem of implementation the international identity of Macedonia. Despite the initial problems of the government in Skopje related to determining their international identity, Macedonians managed to define the principles regarding the identification of a new state on the international stage. As a small country with limited attributes to shape its international position, Macedonia has basically been determined to seek guarantees for its existence and security in stable and predictable European international structures such as NATO and the European Union. The main obstacle for Macedonians on the road to Euro-Atlantic structures was the veto of Greece, a member of these organizations, resulting from Athens' refusal to accept the name the Republic of Macedonia. The Prespa Agreement of 2018 gave a new impetus to the realization of the international identity of North Macedonia.

After the collapse of the USSR, a huge superpower that occupied one sixth of the land, the question of succession arose before the states that were part of it. The USSR occupied a vast territory, participated in international obligations, had debts, was a member of international organizations. It was obvious that the relationship between the newly formed states depended on how it was possible to divide the "legacy" of the USSR. The USSR took an active position at the international level, was engaged in the development of weapons. The issue of dividing all assets and liabilities worried the entire international community. His decision was difficult, and the legal basis for making decisions on succession did not seem to everyone to be indisputable. At present, it is obvious to everyone that the Russian Federation became the main heir of the USSR, it was the Russian Federation that continued the policy of the USSR, continued to participate in international relations and in the fulfillment of obligations, despite the equality of all states that were part of the USSR. The issues of the succession of the USSR and Russia are the subject of study of modern international law. Within the framework of this article, some aspects of the indicated topic will be highlighted.

The aim of the article is to define and catalog the factors preventing political entropy in an international realm – natural tendency of increasing of disorder and progressing of disintegration in global scale. In the first part of the paper, the author extensively referred on how the second law of thermodynamics – the law of entropy are used by social scientists for explanation of phenomena of their interest, and on the basis of available scientific literature, the metaphor of political entropy was formulated. Subsequently, in the second part of the article, this metaphor was used as a framework for identification, highlighting and classification of those factors, which – in the author's opinion – significantly contribute to the slowdown or stopping entropy in an international realm. In the commentaries and conclusions, those factors were interpreted from the institutional perspective, stressing the importance of institutionalization for regulation and stabilization of international relations, and for creation of international order – the anti-thesis of political entropy.

The aim of the article is to show the explanatory and prognostic power of theories of international relations (neorealism, neo-liberal institutionalism and social constructivism) in the situation of visible problems with predicting the end of the Cold War and explaining the democratization process in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. In the face of significant changes that have influenced the formation of a new post-Cold War international order, it is necessary to consider the importance of the theory in adopting appropriate research strategies so that on the one hand, it is possible to predict the course of events with some degree of probability and on the other, to explain their essence and importance. The end of the Cold War and the process of transforming the countries of Central and Eastern Europe thus pose a general and extremely important question about the possibility of developing a scientific approach to the analysis of international relations, which goes beyond only short-term observation of current events. The article analyzes the most important theoretical approaches in the context of adopting such a research strategy, thanks to which one could depart from the dominance of extreme, mutually exclusive positions. The great debates that have been held so far have shown that wealth in science is not a one-sided approach, even if at some point or time we are dealing with the supremacy of a particular theory or a methodological approach. The fiasco of the science of international relations in predicting the end of the Cold War has shown the necessity of undertaking such activities whose task would be to combine rather than exclude. The end of the Cold War and the transformation process of Central and Eastern Europe are therefore treated as case studies that help in testing the theory of international relations as adequate instruments for analyzing the changing international situation.

Wileński szczyt Partnerstwa Wschodniego może okazać się punktem zwrotnym w polityce wschodniej UE. Podpisanie umowy stowarzyszeniowej z Ukrainą i parafowanie porozumień z Mołdową i Gruzją byłoby wielkim krokiem w kierunku zbliżenia wschodnich partnerów do UE, stabilizacji jej wschodniego sąsiedztwa i reform przeobrażających te kraje zgodnie z zasadami rządów prawa, demokracji i wolnego rynku. Opóźnienie tego procesu może mieć negatywne skutki dla UE i jej wschodnich sąsiadów. Jednak szczyt w Wilnie to nie koniec. Nie zmaleje zapotrzebowanie na odważne działania UE, która stawić musi czoło wyzwaniom wyłaniającym się w krajach sąsiedztwa wschodniego. Wprost przeciwnie, przyszły rozwój wypadków wymaga nowego strategicznego myślenia państw członkowskich UE i ich instytucji. Polityka wschodnia UE staje w obliczu decydującego sprawdzianu.

The aim of this paper is an analysis of development-induced displacement as a global social problem, diverse category of internal displacement and challenge for the international institutions and public international law. The problem in strongly linked with the reflection on the mechanisms of legal protection of particularly vulnerable communities and minorities. The paper complements the studies on empowerment of indigenous communities and more sustanaible development growth conducted on the basis of development studies.

Disinformation and propaganda are key aspects of Russia's war strategy as it uses the information environment to justify its actions in international politics, both domestically and abroad, and to coerce audiences into unwittingly supporting its actions. Russia, leading up to and throughout the conflict with Ukraine, brought the full scope of its propaganda apparatus to bear, leveraging overt and covert capabilities on both media and disinformation tools to justify the invasion and [attempt to] destroy international support for Ukraine. What kind of instruments, methods, and narratives has Russia used before and after its invasion of Ukraine? The spread of disinformation by the Russian Federation prior to and after the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 as well as the actions taken in response by Ukraine, allied governments, and civil and international organizations provide an important perspective as well as lessons on how to counteract disinformation and propagandistic narratives.