The goal of the study is to analyze the non‑Western interpretations of sustainable development concept and the role of international organizations and international public goods in their potential realization. Numerous political and economic contradictions generated by the experiences of colonization and decolonization of the region make Western and regional understanding of the concept substantially different. While from the global perspective it is perceived as an imperative, locally it may be interpreted as a veiled form of neocolonialism. The differences result in wide range of problems, from minor misunderstandings to open resentment. The goal of the article is to prove that regional international organizations and international public goods have the potential to become a key to develop mutually acceptable form of sustainable development concept and practice.
The subject under discussion is the problem of publications on the relationship between the e-government implementation process and the ability to compete. Today, it is estimated that the key objective of the informatisation of public administration at both central and local levels, is the preparation and implementation of electronic public services for citizens and businesses productively and efficiently. The e-government vision presented by the European Commission, and gradually implemented through EU Member States shows, that the process of developing e-government should serve as a tool to support the processes of governance. Projects related to the informatisation may influence the improvement of the education system and health services, create jobs, change how resources are managed, reduce transaction costs and the overall transformation of institutional nature. The currently used measuring tools of benefits from the implementation of public e-services and general development of e-government do not always show directly whether they are generated. The purpose of the publication is to identify and evaluate currently used indicators of electronic administration development in the context of measuring the benefits of this process, which are significant for improving the country's competitiveness in the international arena. ; Przedmiotem rozważań zawartych w publikacji jest problematyka zależności między procesem wdrażania administracji elektronicznej a zdolnością konkurencyjną kraju. Współcześnie ocenia się, że kluczowym celem informatyzacji administracji publicznej, zarówno na szczeblu centralnym, jak i lokalnym, jest produktywne i efektywne przygotowanie oraz wdrożenie elektronicznych usług publicznych dla obywateli i przedsiębiorstw. Wizja e-administracji przedstawiona przez Komisję Europejską oraz stopniowo realizowana przez państwa członkowskie UE ukazuje, że proces rozwoju e-administracji powinien służyć jako narzędzie wspomagające procesy rządzenia. Projekty związane z informatyzacją mogą wpływać m.in. na poprawę systemu edukacji i służby zdrowia, tworzenie nowych miejsc pracy, zmianę sposobów zarządzania zasobami, zmniejszenie kosztów transakcyjnych i ogólne przemiany instytucjonalne. Stosowane obecnie narzędzia pomiaru korzyści wynikających z wdrażania e-usług publicznych i ogólnie rozwoju e-administracji nie zawsze ukazują je wprost. Celem publikacji jest zidentyfikowanie i ocenienie stosowanych obecnie mierników stopnia rozwoju administracji elektronicznej w kontekście pomiaru korzyści wynikających z tego procesu, mających znaczenie dla poprawy konkurencyjności państwa na arenie międzynarodowej.
Mimo ścisłych związków między technologią i stosunkami międzynarodowymi istnieje niewiele prac w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych, które podejmują próbę teoretycznego połączenia obu tych sfer rzeczywistości społecznej. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest historyzacja technologii militarnej w społecznej historii stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia proces historycznego wzrostu znaczenia technologii militarnej w funkcjonowaniu społeczeństw i jej destruktywny wpływ na życie społeczne. Przekonuje, że nowe technologie rozwinaje są przez istoty ludzkie, a nie "odkrywane". Dokonane wynalazki odzwierciedlają określone interesy, posiadanie adekwatnych zasobów do ich dokonania i istnienie określonego instytucjonalnego wsparcia. W takim rozumieniu nauka, technologia i innowacje są funkcją ludzkich wyborów, interesów, idei, instytucji i zasobów. ; Despite close connections between technology and international relations, there are few works in international relations studies that would make an attempt to theoretically connect both of these two spheres of social reality.The main aim of the article is a historization of military technology in a social history of international relations. The author presents the process of historical growth of importance of military technology in functioning of societies and its destructive influence on social life. He convinces one that new technologies are developed, not "discovered" by human beings. Inventions reflect specific interests, owning proper resources to develop them and the existence of determined institutional support. In this understanding, science, technology and innovations are functions of human choices, interests, ideas, institutions and resources.In the first part of the article, the author presents relations between science, technology and innovations, as well as main attitudes in international relations studies in the context of comprehending these relations. Problems caused by technological development are also discussed. In the second part of the article, the author presents the meaning of military technology in international relations through its historization. By showing different contexts of "war machines" (horse, chariot, cavalry, cannons, conventional and nuclear weapon, information technology),one can observe the influence of military technology on international relations in the process of uneven and related development of different societies in different times from antiquity to the present day. In particular, the results of transformation of relations between armed forces and scientific institutions after World War II into permanent structures of society and government are shown. On the example of United States of America, the author points negative consequences of forming bureaucratic national security services for many aspects of social life. Finally, referring to James Der Derian's analysis, the author presents transformative influence of information technology on international relations.
W artykule przedstawiono jakościową metodę śledzenia procesu (process tracing) i jej przykładowe wykorzystanie w badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych. Po pierwsze, dokonano ogólnej charakterystyki metody. Po drugie, przedstawiono debatę toczoną w naukach społecznych na temat rozumienia mechanizmów przyczynowych i przyczynowego wnioskowania oraz użyteczności metody śledzenia procesu do testowania hipotez. Po trzecie, omówiono różnego rodzaju dyrektywy kierujące postępowaniem badawczym w ramach metody śledzenia procesu. Po czwarte, w końcowej części artykułu zademonstrowano implementację metody w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych na przykładzie analizy zakończenia zimnej wojny. W końcu sformułowano pewne wątpliwości związane z metodą. Celem artykułu jest wprowadzenie do polskiej nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych jakościowej metody badawczej, która nie jest wykorzystywana przez polskich badaczy, chociaż większość z nich określa swoje stanowisko metodologiczne jako jakościowe. Autor w szczególności uzasadnia i ilustruje przekonanie, że metoda śledzenia procesu może stanowić mocną propozycję w rozwiązywaniu problemów związanych z rozpoznawaniem stosunków przyczynowych w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych. Autor posługuje się w artykule metodą analizy treści. Metoda śledzenia procesu została przedstawiona w oparciu o analizę tekstów uznanych zwolenników metody w filozofii nauki i nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prac poświęconych problemom stosunków międzynarodowych badanych przy zastosowaniu tej metody. Wyniki przeprowadzonej analizy pozwalają na sformułowanie rekomendacji do stosowania metody do badania stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia również słabe strony metody, których istnienia powinien być świadomy każdy z niej korzystający. ; The article presents a qualitative method known as process tracing and exemplifies its use in the study of international relations. Firstly, the general characteristics of process tracing are shown. Secondly, the debate in social sciences on the understanding of causal mechanisms and causal inference is discussed, and whether process tracing is useful in testing hypotheses. Thirdly, different types of directives that guide the research procedure within the framework of process tracing are presented. Fourthly, the final part of the article demonstrates the implementation of process tracing in International Relations on the example of the analysis of the end of the Cold War. The article is concluded with a few doubts the method raises. The aim of the article is to introduce a qualitative research method to the Polish studies of International Relations. This method has not been used by Polish researchers, although most of them declare their methodological standpoint as a qualitative approach. The author justifies and illustrates the belief that the method of process tracing can be strongly recommended in solving problems related to the identification of causal relations in International Relations. The author uses the content analysis method in the article. The method of process tracing is presented based on the analysis of the texts of renowned supporters of the method in the Philosophy of Science and International Relations and of works dedicated to the problems of international relations studied using this method. The results of the analysis make it possible to formulate recommendations for the application of the method to study international relations. The author also presents the weaknesses of this method, which every scholar employing it should be aware of.
The article presents a qualitative method known as process tracing and exemplifies its use in the study of international relations. Firstly, the general characteristics of process tracing are shown. Secondly, the debate in social sciences on the understanding of causal mechanisms and causal inference is discussed, and whether process tracing is useful in testing hypotheses. Thirdly, different types of directives that guide the research procedure within the framework of process tracing are presented. Fourthly, the final part of the article demonstrates the implementation of process tracing in International Relations on the example of the analysis of the end of the Cold War. The article is concluded with a few doubts the method raises. The aim of the article is to introduce a qualitative research method to the Polish studies of International Relations. This method has not been used by Polish researchers, although most of them declare their methodological standpoint as a qualitative approach. The author justifies and illustrates the belief that the method of process tracing can be strongly recommended in solving problems related to the identification of causal relations in International Relations. The author uses the content analysis method in the article. The method of process tracing is presented based on the analysis of the texts of renowned supporters of the method in the Philosophy of Science and International Relations and of works dedicated to the problems of international relations studied using this method. The results of the analysis make it possible to formulate recommendations for the application of the method to study international relations. The author also presents the weaknesses of this method, which every scholar employing it should be aware of. ; W artykule przedstawiono jakościową metodę śledzenia procesu (process tracing) i jej przykładowe wykorzystanie w badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych. Po pierwsze, dokonano ogólnej charakterystyki metody. Po drugie, przedstawiono debatę toczoną w naukach społecznych na temat rozumienia mechanizmów przyczynowych i przyczynowego wnioskowania oraz użyteczności metody śledzenia procesu do testowania hipotez. Po trzecie, omówiono różnego rodzaju dyrektywy kierujące postępowaniem badawczym w ramach metody śledzenia procesu. Po czwarte, w końcowej części artykułu zademonstrowano implementację metody w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych na przykładzie analizy zakończenia zimnej wojny. W końcu sformułowano pewne wątpliwości związane z metodą. Celem artykułu jest wprowadzenie do polskiej nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych jakościowej metody badawczej, która nie jest wykorzystywana przez polskich badaczy, chociaż większość z nich określa swoje stanowisko metodologiczne jako jakościowe. Autor w szczególności uzasadnia i ilustruje przekonanie, że metoda śledzenia procesu może stanowić mocną propozycję w rozwiązywaniu problemów związanych z rozpoznawaniem stosunków przyczynowych w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych. Autor posługuje się w artykule metodą analizy treści. Metoda śledzenia procesu została przedstawiona w oparciu o analizę tekstów uznanych zwolenników metody w filozofii nauki i nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prac poświęconych problemom stosunków międzynarodowych badanych przy zastosowaniu tej metody. Wyniki przeprowadzonej analizy pozwalają na sformułowanie rekomendacji do stosowania metody do badania stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia również słabe strony metody, których istnienia powinien być świadomy każdy z niej korzystający.
The article discusses the experience of creation of peacekeeping missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo and East Timor with the use of comparative method. It also raises the role of international and regional actors in post-conflict peacebuilding. The author presents some practical solutions for the implementation of the effective peace process in eastern Ukraine, aimed at the reintegration of temporarily occupied territories.
The European Union does not have an autonomous and self-standing public policy concerning the protection of landscape. Instead, it adopts fragmentary and incidental measures meant to protect landscape. These measures are adopted within the frameworks of other EU policies, most importantly the EU environmental policy as well as other policies which are integrated with it (such as agricultural policy or policy concerned with special planning). In all these realms, the EU shares its powers with its member states. In some important areas, such as e.g. the property regime, the member states retained their exclusive competences. This particular distribution of powers makes the implementation of the extra-EU international law instruments rather difficult and not sufficiently effective to produce a worthwhile impact. These obligations have a limited influence because most of them are obligations of "a diligent pursue" rather than "firm result". As such, they are unlikely to give rise to direct application of respective conventional provisions. Notwithstanding, their importance is much more pronounced in the area of legal reasoning, where even the EU or domestic measures have to be interpreted in the light of the EU and/or its member states' obligations arising from international conventions on landscape protection.
Bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and the individual successor states of former Yugoslavia differ, after thirty years since its dissolution, in form and in substance. While just after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Turkey managed to establish and sustain cordial ties with such countries as, for instance, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, relations with Serbia (Serbia and Montenegro) remained tense and the two countries perceived themselves, in the best case, as traditional opponents. The basic aim of this paper is to analyse the bilateral relations of these two states and Turkish foreign policy towards Serbia, a country currently perceived as a 'neighbour,' despite the fact that they do not share common border. The paper argues that rapprochement of two countries, so clearly visible in several dimensions after 2002, marks a new phase in Turkey's general foreign policy. The paper will trace the thirty-year evolution of bilateral contacts while arguing that the current positive relations have their source also in the domestic arena, both of Turkey and Serbia, which is willing to increase influence in the Western Balkans and institutionalise her international position. Thus, the two states for the first time share similar foreign policy goals. The whole analysis is theoretically anchored in the behavioural approach of the 'middle power' paradigm. An author-applied qualitative content analysis is the main research technique. The main sources are official documents, selected monographs, academic articles, and analytical reports.
The task of the article is a comparison of theoretical findings of the conception of the international economic cooperation of the CMEA member states with the premises of their economic policies in this scope and with the previous course of integrational processes in the CMEA group. In the first part of the study, three basic theoretical concepts of economic cooperation are presented which can be related to differing views of economists on the part played by planning and international market in the socialist economy. In the second part of the study a system of the international economic cooperation adopted in the premises of the economic policies of the CMEA member states is analyzed. The author's attention is focused mainly on those elements of the international cooperation system which are compromising opposing pursuits of the particular member states of securing themselves most favorable conditions for balancing necessary means with needs stated autonomously in the national plans of economic developement. The third part of the study is devoted to the analysis of features of functioning of the present system of international cooperation of the CMEA states. The actual distribution of competence and roles in the system of relations between various levels of domestic and international institutions and organizations are characterized. The scope of implementation of resolutions and recommendations of the CMEA on the developement of the international specialization and productional cooperation is evaluated. The excessive build up of the consulting and negociating activities almost on all the levels of economic organizations of the member states and of the CMEA organs is also indicated. The identification and analysis of structure of interdependence of economic interests in the sphere of realization of international economic cooperation in the CMEA are performed. Particularly, following groups of interests can be singled out: Party and government governing bodies, central economic administration, productional and trade enterprises, international organs of the CMEA. In the final remarks factors diminishing the ability to control a mechanism of the international cooperation are presented, this can well account for the lack of developement in real integrational ties and related organizational structures in the system of cooperation of the CMEA states. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
This article is a case study that presents the international cooperation of one of the 66 Polish cities with the district status – Płock, a city of average size in this category of Polish local self-governments, which, however, is not average in terms of its historical traditions. For several decades it was the capital of Poland and the historical capital of one of its regions, Mazovia. Today, it is a medium-sized city, which is very active in theinternational arena. For its international cooperation it has been awarded many Council of Europe awards: the European Diploma, the Flag of Honour and the Plaque of Honour. This article presents the activities undertaken by the Płock authorities which led to the awarding of these distinctions. ; Artykuł ten stanowi studium przypadku i przedstawia współpracę międzynarodową jednego z 66 polskich miast na prawach powiatu – Płocka, miasta przeciętnej wielkości w tej kategorii polskich samorządów terytorialnych, które jednak nie jest przeciętne pod względem tradycji historycznych. Było ono przez kilkadziesiąt lat stolicą Polski i historyczną stolicą jednej z jej dzielnic – Mazowsza. Dzisiaj jest miastem średniej wielkości, które bardzo aktywnie działa na arenie międzynarodowej. Za współpracę międzynarodową zostało wyróżnione wieloma nagrodami Rady Europy: Dyplomem Europejskim, Flagą Honorową i Tablicą Honorową. Artykuł przedstawia działalność Płocka, która doprowadziła do otrzymania tych wyróżnień.
The article analyses the role of European Union (EU) and NATO in the system of the international security. The official documents often highlights that EU and NATO are unique and essential partners. Both organisations share common values and have 22 common members. Furthermore, it is stressed that UE and NATO can and should be complementary to one another and help one another in pressing area of international peace and security. Unfortunately co-operation between these both organisations still maintain difficult, complex and challenging problem. ; W artykule poddano analizie rolę Unii Europejskiej (UE) i NATO w systemie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. W oficjalnych dokumentach często pojawia się stwierdzenie, że UE i NATO to wyjątkowi partnerzy. Obie organizacje łączą wspólne wartości, a 22 państwa członkowskie NATO należą też do UE. Podkreśla się, że UE i NATO mogą, a nawet powinny wzajemnie się wspierać i uzupełniać w dziedzinie międzynarodowego pokoju i bezpieczeństwa. Niestety, współpraca pomiędzy nimi stanowi trudny i złożony problem.
The growing dependence of countries and societies on the use of space technologies results in the increasing activity in outer space of new actors, both state and non-state. It produces a number of adverse outcomes for the space environment, making it a less and less safe place (e.g. space debris). Emerging threats may affect national and international security on earth. As a result, an urgent need for a collective approach to the management of the use of outer space is emerging. The international legal regime for outer space that has been developing since the beginning of the space age is no longer sufficient, because it does not take into account many rapid changes. One of the attempts to overcome this problem is the International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities drafted by the European Union in 2008. This paper discusses the reasons why, despite long-lasting efforts and intensifying problems, the Code has so far failed to win the approval of the powers which is requisite to constitute an important part of the international outer space regime. ; The growing dependence of countries and societies on the use of space technologies results in the increasing activity in outer space of new actors, both state and non-state. It produces a number of adverse outcomes for the space environment, making it a less and less safe place (e.g. space debris). Emerging threats may affect national and international security on earth. As a result, an urgent need for a collective approach to the management of the use of outer space is emerging. The international legal regime for outer space that has been developing since the beginning of the space age is no longer sufficient, because it does not take into account many rapid changes. One of the attempts to overcome this problem is the International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities drafted by the European Union in 2008. This paper discusses the reasons why, despite long-lasting efforts and intensifying problems, the Code has so far failed to win the approval of the powers which is requisite to constitute an important part of the international outer space regime.
The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation. ; The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation.
The article includes an analysis of the peace mission in Lebanon with the participation of the Polish Military Contingent. The organizational structure of the military health service securing our soldiers in that mission was also presented, bearing in mind the initial intended use of Polish units in this mission. The article is looking for an answer to the question about the importance of participation in peacekeeping missions of the Polish Armed Forces. It is also a description of the first mission in Lebanon, with a view to the re-participation of Polish troops in the mission at the end of 2019. Poland is considered a responsible member of NATO and the European Union.
Autorka tekstu koncentruje, zwraca uwagę Czytelnika na problemie fundamentalnym dla kondycji Europy i stanu bezpieczeństwa świata XXI wieku, w którym mechanizmy – do niedawna stabilizujące relacje międzynarodowe na różnych poziomach systemu międzynarodowego – zostały rozregulowane. Swoista "apolarność" systemu międzynarodowego z jakim jesteśmy konfrontowani niepokoi, rodzi pytania i dylematy co do przyszłości, kierunków zmian i mechanizmów potrzebnych do "poradzenia" sobie z rzeczywistością radykalnie różną od tej w jakiej przynajmniej od półwiecza – z lepszym lub gorszym bilansem strat i zysków – zwykliśmy funkcjonować. Wysoki stopień niepewności co do kierunków zmian, zasad jakie w tej niepewnej i niedookreślonej rzeczywistości zdominują myślenie o bezpieczeństwie i stabilizacji, o ładzie międzynarodowym wymusza pytania o kształt ładu światowego, jego możliwe projekcje oraz dylematy z jakimi trzeba się zmierzyć, aby jego ostateczny kształt stanowił silne "oparcie" dla bezpieczeństwa europejskiego. Na dzisiaj takiego projektu nie ma, podobnie jak uderzający jest brak wizji ładu, który odzwierciedlałby "adekwatne" oczekiwania, marzenia i racje Europy oraz innych regionów świata, ich mieszkańców, elit politycznych. Przyjmuję hipotetycznie, iż "ład"/"porządek" europejski w jakim tkwi kontynent jawi się bardziej jako oksymoron, w rodzaju "nieuporządkowanego" porządku europejskiego, "chaotycznego ładu" lub – co wydaje się brzmieć nieco optymistyczniej – "stan" przed uporządkowaniem elementów świata. Jest to jednak wciąż nośnik rozwiązań bardziej zorientowanych do wnętrza kontynentu i jego "wątpliwej" spójności aniżeli do systemu międzynarodowego. Co więcej proponowane rozwiązania zdają się trwać "…w zawieszeniu między przeszłością, którą pragnie przezwyciężyć, a przyszłością której jeszcze nie zdefiniowała" (Kissinger, 2016, s. 95). Przekroczenie tego progu jest niezbędne. Wymaga jednak, aby Europejczycy odpowiedzieli sobie na ponadczasowe pytanie: "ile jedności jest potrzebne i jak dużą różnorodność kulturowo-cywilizacyjną jest w stanie zaakceptować (tolerować) społeczność międzynarodowa (i rządy), aby porozumienie zapewniające pokój na kolejne stulecia przestało być efemerydą" (Kissinger, 2016, s. 95). Elementem ważnym w zaprezentowanej narracji jest próba uporządkowania istoty i sensu pojęciowego takich konstrukcji jak "ład", "porządek", "chaos", semiotycznie nieostrych a przez to wieloznacznych. To istotny zabieg analityczny. Czytelne i kluczowe dla wywodu pojęcia konkretyzują przedmiot badań, treść badanych zjawisk i procesów oraz ich funkcje, a przez to umożliwiają budowanie rozwiązań, które łączą różne racje, interesy, oczekiwania. ; The author draws the readers' attention to what is fundamental from the point of view of the disorder the world has found itself in in the 21st century, namely the current dismantling of the mechanisms that have hitherto stabilized international relations at the level of the global system, as well as its varied subsystems. The peculiar "apolarity" of this system is disturbing, it makes us feel threatened, raises questions and poses dilemmas with regard to the future, the directions in which changes are heading, and the mechanisms needed to "cope" with a reality radically different from the one we have functioned in for at least fifty years, with a better or worse balance of loss and profit. A high degree of uncertainty as to the directions of changes and the principles that will dominate thinking about security and stability, and international order, in this uncertain, undefined reality invites questions about the design of the global order, and the dilemmas that must be resolved for such an order to ensure robust "support" for the European order. There is no such design, nor is there a vision of the European order which would reflect the "relevant" expectations, dreams and arguments of other regions of the world, their inhabitants, and political elites. At present, a "European order" appears to be an oxymoron, something along the lines of "a disorderly European order", "a chaotic order" or, a little more optimistically, "a state before ordering the elements of the world," a vehicle of the solutions addressed to the interior of Europe and its "dubious" coherence rather than to the international system. The author presents a narrative based on the assumption that Europe does not have such a vision. What is more, the continent appears to be "suspended between a past it seeks to overcome and a future it has not yet defined" (Kissinger, 2016, s. 95). In order to move on, Europeans have to answer the timeless question of how much unity is required and how much cultural and civilizational variety is the international community (and the governments) able to accept (tolerate) in order for the agreement that will ensure peace for centuries to become more than ephemeral? A significant element of this narrative involves an attempt at arranging such concepts as "order," "orderliness" and "chaos," which are semantically vague, and therefore ambiguous. This is an important analytical measure, because clarifying the notions which are of key importance for these considerations concretizes the object of research, the content of investigated phenomena and their functions.