Suchergebnisse

The 1978 Long Term Trade Agreement between the People's Republic of China & Japan called for a special bilateral relationship between the two countries, but China's market-oriented reforms & internationalization have affected economic relations with Japan. With China's recognition of international economic interdependence, especially within the Asia Pacific region, & China's shift in its mix of goods, labor, & investments, Japan is no longer China's predominant trading partner. Domestic interests in both countries have affected exports, leading to trade friction. A centralized bilateral mechanism has proved to be unfeasible in the face of decentralized market forces. Japan & China have enormous differences in lifestyles, values, decision-making practices, & politics, but these may lessen as China approaches Japan & the West economically. A multilateral, rules-based framework in which Japan participates can facilitate China's integration into the world economy & resolve Sino-Japanese friction. 5 Tables. M. Pflum

Moral & legal reasons for opposing the use of ad hoc international tribunals to try suspected war criminals are questioned. The question of whether war crimes trials would violate the formal & substantive guarantees of legal equality is considered; it is revealed that war crimes trials will demonstrate some selectivity but that such arbitrariness will not exceed that found in municipal courts. It is stated that war crimes trials achieve ethical & legal legitimacy by incapacitating convicted offenders & deterring individuals from committing future war atrocities. Although it is agreed that certain punishments do not completely deter criminals from committing municipal or war crimes, it is maintained that punishment does reduce such individuals' criminal activities. The popular position that war crimes trials should be held in the offenders' home nations is rejected; rather, noting the rise of nonstate jurisdictions, it is claimed that a permanent international court must be established to prosecute suspected war criminals. J. W. Parker

The evolutionary approach offers a new paradigm for the study of international relations. This approach offers several advantages including evolutionary theory's ability to analyze the increasingly complex, interdependent, & coevolving nature of world politics & the global economy; its emphasis on the present rather than the future; & its capacity to generate new & better political theories. These advantages are highlighted in the papers that follow. Though the various authors do not reach a general consensus regarding the role of evolutionary theory, the ideas presented here strengthen the existing understanding of this new international relations paradigm. The first set of papers focuses on the central questions apparent in the evolutionary approach. The second examines the "bridges" that are evident between evolutionary international relations theory & other frameworks. The third applies evolutionary international relations theory to intergroup rivalry relationships. The fourth outlines the manner in which evolutionary arguments can be applied to the international political economy. K. Larsen

The place of the greenhouse-gas emissions trading within the global market system is studied. Multiple factors that render the creation of an emissions trading system a more promising approach to reducing global emissions than placing taxes on offending nations are identified, eg, emissions permits can be transferred to developing nations. The requirements for establishing an emissions trading system are then considered, eg, creating a body that monitors noncompliance & enforces penalties. The question of whether such a system is compatible with existing World Trade Organization (WTO) law is then addressed. Additional attention is dedicated to determining whether certain aspects of the emissions trading system, eg, determining how trading permits are allocated & initiating measures against nonmembers of the trading system, will cause conflict between parties that attempt to adhere to WTO law. The issue regarding whether a joint implementation approach can be used to make developing nations part of the trading system is also considered. Even though joint implementation could be used to found an emissions trading system, it is speculated that such a scheme will take several years to implement. 36 References. J. W. Parker

Rather than use ad hoc international tribunals or permanent international courts to conduct prosecutions against people accused of committing war crimes, it is contended that such trials should take place within the legal systems of the nations in which such individuals possess citizenship. It is contended that most countries would demonstrate strong resistance to handing over suspected war criminals to international tribunals or courts. Rather than identify single individuals as responsible for committing war crimes, it is suggested that offending nations must be held collectively responsible for war atrocities perpetrated by its citizens. Consequently, it is maintained that permitting offending nations to hold such proceedings would allow offending countries to maintain sovereignty & force them to reconcile relations with victimized groups by acknowledging their collective responsibility for war crimes. Moreover, it is claimed that the proposed alternative would sidestep offending nations' frequent disapprobation of decisions passed down from international tribunals & courts. J. W. Parker

Examines the role of the media in the global era of international politics & its impact on international relations from two directions: (1) the limitations of current international understanding of the mass media & (2) empirical research findings on the role of the media from two events in 1991 -- the Gulf War & the Kurdish refugee crises. This approach is then applied to the 1999 conflict in Kosovo to point out issues of war & peace in the new circumstances of state relations. Five main issues are considered to overcome the limitations of the literature on the media in the Gulf War: (1) Domestic & interstate politics within global politics are increasing connections; (2) Global politics are mediated in a somewhat common framework; (3) Global media spaces are contested by many social actors & by journalists of differing ideologies; (4) Media is a location of civil society on both national & global levels; & (5) The dynamics of film, commentary & text generate political impact. Media coverage was instrumental in gaining Western intervention in the Kurdish revolt after the Gulf War & in speeding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization liberation of Kosovar refugees. L. A. Hoffman

Is the European Union (EU) a state, an international organ, or a new example of "postsovereign" power & administration? An attempt to determine the EU's role is made through examination of community law for its relation to European integration. The community legal system, including recent adaptations & cases, is reviewed. There is exploration of legal pluralism & the development of the relationship between community law & the European Court of Justice (ECJ), along with the roles of member state administrators, institutions, European law, community law, enlargement, & social context. The ECJ's position regarding sexual equality is viewed. Consideration of community law & regulatory order are heightened by citation of the Cassis de Dijon case of 1979. Debate over the EU's role regarding maintenance of order & security is elucidated. Development of the Justice & Home Affairs branch of the EU is detailed, considering its jurisdiction, policies, conflicts, & potential. 18 References. M. C. Leary

Argues that the gradual enlargement of the European Union (EU) creates more trade than it diverts, & that it may serve as a model & catalyst of international economic & sociopolitical stability. Negotiations to expand the EU to include southern Mediterranean countries such as Cyprus, Malta, & Turkey, & eastern European countries such as Poland, Hungary, & the Czech Republic are reviewed, with particular attention paid to requisite economic reforms to ease adjustments to the EU market. It is suggested that the enlargement of the EU should continue as long as new members do not overload its budget. Thus, preference should be given to countries at a similar level of development & with homogeneous institutions. While the Maastricht Treaty has delayed enlargement, it is asserted that future prospects for continued expansion are excellent because the economic benefits for all concerned far outweigh any costs involved. 115 References. D. M. Smith

Smith addresses the reasons for & implementation of increased foreign & security policy making in the European Union (EU). History of the EU's stance in the post-Cold War era includes the proposal to create a European Defense Community, deference to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the significance of the Maastricht Treaty, & proposals considered at the Nov 1999 meeting in Tampere, Finland. Evolving interpretations of foreign & security policy are reviewed, & the issue of containment is contemplated. Detailing of the Single European Act of 1985, the Maastricht Treaty, & the Treaty of Amsterdam accompanies examination of changes to the Common Foreign & Security Policy. Recent momentum of the Amsterdam provisions is evidenced by decisions made at the June 1999 Cologne Summit & the Dec 1999 Helsinki European Council. The new framework of foreign & security policy is illustrated by a figure showing the distinctive & overlapping jurisdictions & roles of bodies, including NATO & Partnership for Peace. The drive for maintenance of European security & resulting EU actions are considered with relation to recent events in Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, & Kosovo. 3 Figures, 21 References. M. C. Leary

The implications of the historical conflict between Turkey & Greece & the US's foreign policies toward both nations for future Turkish-American relations are considered. An overview of US foreign policy toward Turkey & Greece reveals the US's interest in improving relations with both nations & notes the constraints that hinder relations-building processes. Two principal points of contention between Turkey & Greece are identified: (1) each nation's claim over the island of Cyprus & the tensions that have developed from these competing claims; & (2) questions concerning airspace rights over the Aegean Sea. Although military conflicts between Turkey & Greece have been minimal during the late 20th century, each country nonetheless perceives the other as a national security threat. Moreover, several historical & present-day developments that could escalate the conflict are identified. After detailing the failure of previous Turkish-Greek negotiations, it is claimed that the mutual compassion & goodwill following both nations' experience of devastating earthquakes in 1999 & the EU's consideration of Turkey as a candidate for membership have reduced interstate hostilities. It is concluded that the US & the EU should collaborate to resolve the Turkish-Greek conflict concerning Cyprus to enhance relations with both Turkey & Greece. J. W. Parker

Though it is often argued that the Common Foreign & Security Policy (CFSP) is ineffective, this claim is risky. It suggests that current international policies are temporary, while it disregards important policy dimensions. In outlining the importance of the CFSP, this chapter looks at policy content, institutional structure, & the relationship between the CFSP & other Western institutions. The chapter also discusses the various judgments that have been offered by external observers regarding European Union security policy. Two analytical models are presented: the first looks at the CFSP from a self-interested viewpoint, while the second shows that the CFSP has been shaped by shared values & opinions. These models offer an alternative to the opinion commonly held about the CFSP & suggest that the CFSP may indeed contribute to European integration. K. A. Larsen

The creation & expansion of an international network dedicated to the attainment of basic rights for women since the UN Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 are chronicled, tracing changes in how women's rights have been conceived & addressed. Focus is on the emergence of violence against women as a human rights issue. The roles of the UN, various state-level actors, & nongovernmental organizations in battling this global problem are reviewed, highlighting the functioning of the human rights system as a quasi-legal implement. Examination of its many activities includes the identification of certain actions as abusive toward women, the dissemination of information about the extent of abuse to public attention, & mobilization at a number of levels to bring about change. 48 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Bromley ponders EU (European Union) nations' roles, the group's groundbreaking international cooperation, its division of political authority, & the nature of that authority's execution. Also examined are EU members' transformation through integration, the nature of the adaptive political form, & that form's possible relation to member states' politics. The demise of European imperialism is chronicled from the late 19th century through WWII. Shifts in power & alliance are evidenced by documentation of the General Agreement on Tariffs & Trade, the International Monetary Fund, & the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Discussion of the EU's implementation & governance includes the 1951 treaty establishing the European Coal & Steel Communities & the 1957 Treaties of Rome. The EU's most significant supranational aspects are explored. The complexities & possibilities arising from EU member states' deference to the group's supranational status are elucidated. Descriptive instances of conflict resolution are included, & the role of international legislative organizations is discussed. 11 References. M. C. Leary

The attitudes of Turkey's political officials, military leaders, & business community toward the US are explored. An overview of former Turkish President Turgut Ozal's attitude toward the US, especially toward the Bush administration, shows that the US was perceived as unreliable & indifferent to Turkish concerns. Turkey's historical embrace of French Jacobin thought & rejection of Anglo-Saxon liberalism is discussed. Several factors responsible for the proliferation of anti-American sentiment among the Turkish public during the 1960s are examined. Although the nation's military established relations with the US to address regional security concerns, it is claimed that the US's intervention in Cyprus during the 1970s & actions during the Persian Gulf War contributed to the Turkish military's mistrust of the US. However, it is maintained that Turkey's diplomatic & business communities have pursued the establishment of strong ties with the US. The implications of former President Clinton's 1999 visit to Turkey, the nation's further incorporation of economic liberalization policies, & the emergence of a Turkish Muslim generation for enhancing Turkey-US relations are contemplated. J. W. Parker