Suchergebnisse

The question of whether international environmental agreements, particularly the Kyoto Protocol, conflict with established global trade law is addressed. Aspects of the Kyoto Protocol that could obstruct international trade are discussed. It is contended that multilateral environmental agreements could possibly be incompatible with the World Trade Organization's (WTO) rules that govern the placement of constraints on "like products." Various policies & measures of the Kyoto Protocol that could conflict with WTO law are identified; specifically, it is noted that trade-related environmental measures pose particular problems for current WTO law. An analysis of European Union law & North American Free Trade Agreement law revealed fewer incompatibilities with the Kyoto Protocol. Additional attention is dedicated to exploring the failure of the 1969 Vienna Convention of the Law of Treaties' capacity to mediate incongruities between the Kyoto Protocol & extant bodies of international law. Multiple recommendations for resolving these incompatibilities are offered. J. W. Parker

An examination of the growth, decline, & resurgence of the international women's movement focuses on how women's groups both reflect & help to shape world culture. Analysis of the discourse & actions of international women's organizations (WINGOs) reveal when women's issues became a global concern & how that concern changed the world polity. The history of the women's movement is traced through three chronological stages: the formative period (1850s-WWI), the interwar period, & post-1945 developments. What began as female-led moral crusades eventually became rationalized actions decreed by official world bodies on behalf of women. It is shown how the goals & structure of women's groups mirrored changes in conceptions of womanhood that advanced from notions of "protection" to principles of equality. Other issues include the proliferation & complexity of WINGOs in both highly developed & Third World regions; the impact of the International Labor Organization & UN groups on women's organizations; tensions between different women's groups; & national/regional factors that affect the international organizing agenda. 1 Figure. J. Lindroth

Über 40 Jahre dominierte der bipolare Konflikt des Kalten Krieges durch das "Gleichgewicht des Schreckens" die Weltpolitik. Gemäß dem "realpolitischen" Dogma standen Fragen der Macht bzw. die der "glaubwürdigen Drohung" in Zentrum der außenpolitischen Strategieüberlegungen. Dieses klassische Paradigma (eternal paradigma) ist mit den Revolutionen von 1989 theoretisch und praktisch in Wanken geraten. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht diesen Erosionsprozeß für die deutsche Außenpolitik. Die Ausführungen zeigen, daß von einem entscheidenden Bruch und Abweichen vom (neo)realistischen Paradigma für die deutschen Eliten nur bedingt die Rede sein kann; die grundlegenden politisch-strategischen Kalküle blieben/bleiben die gleichen. Revisionen erfolgten bei taktischen Fragen und der Wahl des politischen Instrumentariums. Der Autor diskutiert die Vor- und Nachteile dieser Kontinuität der deutschen Außenpolitik seit dem Zusammenbruch des Kommunismus. (ICE)

A response to Judith Adler Hellman's (2000) critique of the Zapatista movement argues that the movement not only represents a fight against both the state & the momentum of global capital, but promotes a "globalized solidarity" with other struggles against neoliberalism. Hellman's overly severe analysis is said to be too narrow to fully appreciate Zapatismo & the relationship of solidarity activists to it. Objections are raised to her claim that foreign activists have been subjected to a "flattened version of events in Chiapas" & outside fascination resulted from the appeal of events seen from a great distance rather than actual Zapatista proposals. Special attention is given to the land issue in Chiapas, the complexity of the "indigenous question," & Hellman's description of foreign Zapatista activists as "Internet Junkies." Strategies of the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional are explored in relation to their centrality to the movement of neoliberalism to show that international support was based on a genuine appreciation of, & identification with, the Zapatista struggle. J. Lindroth

A response to Judith Adler Hellman's (2000) critique of the Zapatista movement argues that the movement not only represents a fight against both the state & the momentum of global capital, but promotes a "globalized solidarity" with other struggles against neoliberalism. Hellman's overly severe analysis is said to be too narrow to fully appreciate Zapatismo & the relationship of solidarity activists to it. Objections are raised to her claim that foreign activists have been subjected to a "flattened version of events in Chiapas" & outside fascination resulted from the appeal of events seen from a great distance rather than actual Zapatista proposals. Special attention is given to the land issue in Chiapas, the complexity of the "indigenous question," & Hellman's description of foreign Zapatista activists as "Internet Junkies." Strategies of the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional are explored in relation to their centrality to the movement of neoliberalism to show that international support was based on a genuine appreciation of, & identification with, the Zapatista struggle. J. Lindroth

Neither realist nor neoliberal perspectives can adequately address the position & function of concepts such as identities, norms, & values in international relations. The realist camp falls short because innovation is absent, & norms are only agreed with when it is convenient. On the other hand, the neoliberal camp fails to acknowledge that ideas may change a political actor's goals &/or identity. Even the constructivist camp exaggerates the importance of ideas & norms while failing to reconcile how ideas & norms change with time. The only viable solution, therefore, is to adopt an analysis of normative evolution. This theory supports the discovery of new ideas, allowing new ideas to compete with existing ideas. Those ideas that survive are then adopted through the processes of socialization & institutionalization. Sooner or later, these ideas will be challenged by even newer ideas. Because international relations theory is not yet equipped to deal with normative life cycles, a new emphasis on normative evolution is needed. 2 Tables, 4 Figures, 142 References. K. Larsen

Chronicles the development of the "new international financial architecture" (NIFA), created at the summit in Cologne, Germany, in 1999. Its goal of securing the integration of "systemically important" emerging market economies into the international policy-making environment is described, along with methods used to achieve this & to ensure their compliance with Western (US)-dominated rules & standards, manifested through structural adjustment policies imposed on emerging economies. The roles of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) & the World Bank in the NIFA are discussed. Ways in which these organizations attempt to quell the dissatisfaction of emerging economies with these arrangements are explored, focusing on their efforts to reestablish the legitimacy of the neoliberal agenda. The function of the NIFA in reproducing the power of financial capital in the world economy, primarily through the strategy of "imposed leadership," is analyzed; structural contradictions in this strategy are also identified. The proliferation & maintenance of the US "Dollar-Wall Street Regime" & the need for NIFA to continually work to fortify its political & ideological scaffolding are explored in light of the threats to global finance posed by the fact that economic problems in any part of the newly interconnected (& interdependent) international financial system can quickly spread & become crises. K. Hyatt Stewart

Chronicles the development of the "new international financial architecture" (NIFA), created at the summit in Cologne, Germany, in 1999. Its goal of securing the integration of "systemically important" emerging market economies into the international policy-making environment is described, along with methods used to achieve this & to ensure their compliance with Western (US)-dominated rules & standards, manifested through structural adjustment policies imposed on emerging economies. The roles of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) & the World Bank in the NIFA are discussed. Ways in which these organizations attempt to quell the dissatisfaction of emerging economies with these arrangements are explored, focusing on their efforts to reestablish the legitimacy of the neoliberal agenda. The function of the NIFA in reproducing the power of financial capital in the world economy, primarily through the strategy of "imposed leadership," is analyzed; structural contradictions in this strategy are also identified. The proliferation & maintenance of the US "Dollar-Wall Street Regime" & the need for NIFA to continually work to fortify its political & ideological scaffolding are explored in light of the threats to global finance posed by the fact that economic problems in any part of the newly interconnected (& interdependent) international financial system can quickly spread & become crises. K. Hyatt Stewart

The "bright" & "dark" sides of economic globalization are explored in a comparison of the licit (capitalist) & illicit (criminal) global economies, focusing on implications for the emerging governance of the world economy. Several characteristics of organized criminal groups are identified: quest for financial gain, member loyalty, corruption of government officials, organization maturity, hierarchical structure, diversification, & multijurisdictional activities; these traits also are typical of legitimate business organizations, causing problems for law enforcement. Organizations that fall into the grey area between the licit & illicit economies are also analyzed. The activities in which global organized criminal organizations engage are described, & a "who's who" is offered of eight major criminal enterprises around the world. The role of international crime in the context of the new face of national & global security concerns is explored, & it is suggested that critics of economic globalization may be undermining the power of the legitimate forces of governance to control crime at the international level. K. Hyatt Stewart

In utilizing a "bottom up" approach to biological evolution, it is argued that George Modelski's work (2001) concerning "evolutionary world politics" (EWP) fails to consider the microperspective, which is essential for descriptions of important biopolitical issues such as ingroup/outgroup formation, gender biases, & generational change. Though microfactors cannot completely explain the variation inherent in macroprocesses, the latter must be rationalized through the use of microfactors. Finally, Modelski's model fails to consider the role that sociobiology plays within evolutionary thought. Though concluding assumptions cannot yet be made, it is essential that a biobehavioral theory of politics be combined with the structural components inherent in EWP. Only in this manner can the influence of reproductive, economic, & political issues be fully recognized. 34 References. K. Larsen

"This essay treats three major themes or questions that have emerged in the study of the politics of international migration. The first major theme revolves around the question of control, that is the role of the nation-state in establishing rules of entry and exit. To what extent can states control their borders? What are the factors that define the capacity and limits of control? These questions will lead us directly to the second major theme of the essay which is the impact of migration an international relations. How does migration affect the sovereignty and autonomy of the nation-state? What are the possibilities for controlling or managing migration at the international, as opposed to the domestic, level? What is the relationship between migration, national security, and foreign policy. And why do states "risk migration?" The third theme to be explored is intricately related to the first two. It revolves around the issue of incorporation, specifically the impact of immigration on citizenship, the social contract, and the polity itself. How do emigration and immigration affect the political behavior of individuals, natives as well as migrants? What role does the state play in incorporating immigrants into society and the economy? And what is the relationship between social and political citizenship? These questions lead inevitably to discussions of national identity, citizenship, and rights, which are at the heart of the way in which every polity defines itself. The final section of the essay will link these three themes (control, sovereignty and incorporation) together, focusing on political explanations for international migration and the role of the state in encouraging or discouraging migration. Demarcating the politics of international migration is a first and essential step to talking across the disciplines." (extract)