Suchergebnisse

Since mid 1991, in the context of structuring the ethnic relations & statuses in Bosnia & Herzegovina, a great attention is being devoted to the country's internal territorial division in accordance with the ethnic principle. The leadership of the three peoples in Bosnia & Herzegovina, appealing to the size of "their own" ethnic territories, formulated incompatible & extremely conflicting ethno-territorial demands. The Serbs claimed that two thirds of the country's territory should belong to them, the Croats demanded one third, & the Muslims/Bosniaks, being unable to articulate a project of a unitary state, demanded one half. After its initial involvement in the attempts to find a solution to the crisis in the country, at the beginning of February 1992, the international community supported a proposal for a federal arrangement where the federal units would be established according to the ethnic principle. However, since the international community rightly considered the existing demands as exaggerated, it tried to find an objective method to determine the size of the ethnic units in order to achieve a fair distribution of the country's territory. For that purpose, it used "the ethnic map" made on the basis of the numbers of each people in the existing administrative units -- counties (opcine). After the break out of the war (1992-95), the significance of that map would diminish in the subsequent peace plans & territorial division that accompanied them. Still, most of the experts interested in the problems of Bosnia & Herzegovina consider the mentioned map, thanks to its initial popularization by the international community, as an adequate basis for determining the size of the "ethnic units" according to which one should measure the ethno territorial divisions created by the war. Those views had their share of influence on the interethnic relation in the Bosnia & Herzegovina, on the internal geopolitical relations, & even on the aspect of international relations that was influenced by the war in Bosnia. The article claims that this map gives a wrong idea about the real size of the ethnic territories in the country. Thus, it was wrong to consider the map as an adequate "politically correct" basis in determining the ethno territorial units, & it is also wrong to use it as a standard by which one should measure the ethno territorial results of the war in Bosnia. Adapted from the source document.

Endeavoring to establish the essence & the basic structural characteristics of the contemporary forms of terrorism the author firstly analyses different attempts to define the phenomenon itself as one of the most significant forms of the non-unconventional security threats. The paper points to different motives & objectives (political, social & other) of some actors that belong to various terrorist groups & organizations acting in the world today. In that regard, the approach of the states & international factors to this challenge should be different. As the author concludes that the results that have been achieved so far in the 'war on terror," as well as the consequences resulting from solely applying repression & the principle of non negotiation with terrorists, are such that should be critically reconsidered. References. Adapted from the source document.

It had undoubtedly been the inadequate political & legal structure of the ethnic status & relations in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia & Herzegovina as well the unwillingness of the political elites to make a compromise that created a rather favourable potential for destructive shaping of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian social conditions. Immediately before the outbreak of war in BH (1992-1995) the preconditions had been created for a comparatively peaceful settlement of the unresolved political issues within the republic. Taking into consideration that the international community had assumed to act as a mediator its role could have been very important. However, with its "pre-war" position to BH it did not take advantage of the opportunities that were offered to settle or simplify the internal Bosnian & Herzegovinian political disputes, but, on the contrary, it contributed to the outbreak of war, its destructiveness & long duration, getting itself into a rather awkward position. Map, References. Adapted from the source document.

The US economy is facing the first big financial crisis in the 21st century. The author points out that the current crisis is much different from the previous ones by its characteristics, causes, consequences it produces on the world economy & international financial system in particular. The problems that were noticeable in the US loan market in the second half of 2007, which have escalated into a crisis of the financial system in 2008 creating instability in the world financial markets, were mostly caused by the losses on the American real estate market. For the fact that the highly integrated world economy has enabled rapidly & easily transmission the effects of real & monetary trends, reducing, on the other hand, the countries' prospects to protect their economies & populations from their effects it is evident that the way the US manages its financial system has the exceptional significance beyond USA, too. As the increasing number of countries is facing with direct or indirect effects of the current crisis it is in the interest of all those that undertaking actions to stop further negative repercussions on their national economies & ensure global economy growth. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.

The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyses the major changes to the political ideology & policy platform of the stateless nation's movement in Western European postindustrial states, taking the Scottish National Party as an special example. The analysis starts with the evolution of the Anglo-Scottish relations beginning from the creation of Union of English & Scottish kingdoms by the Act of Union in 1707. Author then presents the contemporary relationship between these two provinces of the United Kingdom. He stresses that since 1990s, the Scottish national movement have been pursuing the 'silent constitutional revolution' of this multinational community, which means using the most of globalization, the European integration process, & the so called devolution, to maximize the autonomy of Scotland within the United Kingdom. References. Adapted from the source document.

Since the beginning of the European integration process until the present day the states have given up some significant elements of their sovereignty, transferring an increasing number of authorities to the European institutions. The extended framework within which the rules of the European game are determined also exerts a considerable impact on the regions as integral units of the present-day complex states. Politically & economically powerful regions are more & more independent in the contemporary European political & economic space. This has created a distorted picture of 'Europe of the regions' where the regions & European institutions will establish direct contacts, making the role of states superfluous. In this paper, the author endeavors to offer a theoretical, historical & philosophic frame for consideration of the attempts to overcome the antinomy of freedom & order both in the past & in the present, particularly analyzing the position & role of the regions in the European Union political & economic system. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author researched the foreign direct investment flows, patterns & effects in conditions of regional economic integration in Europe. The foreign direct investment presence results in two effects: first, increase in competition, & second, creation of forward & backward linkages between domestic firms & foreign affiliates. The benefits of foreign direct investment for their host countries take the form of various types of externalities or spillovers (of technology, knowledge, productivity). The potential spillover benefits could be realized if domestic firms have the capacity to absorb foreign technologies & skills. References. Adapted from the source document.

Information technologies, free flow of information, free media & the right to communication are the pillars communicative sovereignty springs up from, relying upon them, too. This was a 20th century creation but it has been globally & more fully realised in the 21st century. Civilisational openness & acceptance ability are the key categories for prosperity of communicative sovereignty. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyses two mutually linked phenomena -- corruption & money laundering -- a negative phenomena, which are today very widespread in a number of countries. The prevention of corruption & money laundering represents one of the leading challenges of modern social changes. Appearing in political & social life, they convince citizens & the public that society cannot function without corruption & money laundering. These criminal acts are skillfully covered up & difficult to reveal, thanks to the support of bureaucracy, technocracy & plutocracy of certain society. Adapted from the source document.