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In today's world, marked by an increasing interdependence, national security is becoming a component of international security, which is not a mere sum of individual national securities, but a permanent international framework of universally acceptable values. Inter-ethnic relations today are central for a state's security, as well as for international order. There is the question of whether the international system must guarantee individual & collective security of ethnic groups/minorities, regardless of the state they live in. Today, human & minority rights have become an important institutionalized international factor of security & stability & a concern of the entire international community, despite the fact that many states still claim that minority policy is their internal problem into which international community has no right to interfere. The affirmation of the rationalist approach to contemporary security implies that the responsibility for guaranteeing security lies not only on individual states & unions but also on the international system as a whole. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

Game theory as a theory of interactive decision making formalizes the modeling of social processes by creating an analytical basis for analyzing decision making in circumstances of risks, & the actors' cooperation or noncooperation. The core concepts -- Nash & Stackelberg's equilibrium, stochastic & differential games, transferable utility, cooperative & noncooperative games -- illustrate the scope of issues in the international economy that are applicable to the game theory. The author analyzes several instances of game theory in the international economy: various national tariff policies & the creation of tariff unions; international cartels; extraction of the resources of joint property; coalitions; & international negotiations. The author presupposes a smattering of knowledge of the game theory technique; as far as possible, the analysis is carried out nontechnically. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

The beginnings of the scientific study of international relations in Croatia precede its inauguration & international recognition as an independent state in the early 1990s. Already in the former state of Yugoslavia, there were pioneer attempts in Zagreb at serious research into the complex science of international relations. In 1962, the Faculty of Political Science was founded; one of the subjects was international relations. At the end of the 1970s, & at the same faculty, a postgraduate study program of international relations was launched. Zagreb, due to the quality & quantity of its experts & their dedicated pedagogical work, the publication of their works, & their contacts with their colleagues abroad, had the central role in the development of a modern science of international relations, not only in the former state but in the wider region of Southeastern Europe. The declaration of the independent Republic of Croatia, & geopolitical & geo-economic changes in the international environment, pose new challenges, obstacles, opportunities as well as objective needs for a new approach & the development of the study of international relations, the accompanying institutions & the publication of relevant literature. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Partnership for Peace (PfP) was created by NATO in Brussels in 1994; an excerpt from the document spelling out membership conditions is quoted. Twenty-six countries joined PfP between 1994 & 2000; Croatia became its 26th member, & it also joined the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) as the 46th European country. A membership in both organizations is a significant event in the history of Croatia as an independent state. There are certain duties & tasks that the PfP membership imposed on this country; however, there already are positive results of cooperating with NATO within the PfP program. Z. Dubiel

In the wake of the end of the Cold War, NATO has pursued the promotion of peace & stability on the European continent by: (1) creating the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) in 1997, (2) launching the Partnership for Peace (PfP) program in Brussels in 1994, (3) entering into cooperation treaties with Russia & the Ukraine, & (4) pursuing a "Mediterranean Dialog." The PfP program is presented in more detail, outlining its objectives & mentioning the intentions of the Defense Capabilities Initiative & Membership Action Plan, among others. Croatia's membership in PfP is addressed, clarifying what this program is not (eg, it is not a security organization or a waiting room for membership in NATO) & cautioning the government against neglecting other security policies & arrangement on behalf of PfP. Z. Dubiel

Created in 1994, the Partnership for Peace (PfP) is an ambitious initiative launched by NATO to promote cooperation between this organization & nonmember states. The cooperation principles on which the PfP program is based are outlined, & the Southeast Europe Initiatives & Membership Action Plan, launched in 1997 within PfP, is described. PfP objectives & the basic elements of its program are presented. Croatia became a member of PfP in 2000, & the question of what the country can & should expect from cooperating with NATO within PfP is addressed, investigating the possible convergence of interests between the two parties. It is pointed out that the ultimate goal of Croatia's presence in PfP is the country's acceptance as a NATO member, & the government needs to develop strategies targeting this objective. Z. Dubiel

The goals of NATO to secure peace in Europe after the end of the Cold War & promote peaceful cooperation between all states on the continent, spelled out in the documents issued at the closing of the London summit in 1990 & Rome meeting in 1991, are listed. Two organizations created to achieve these objectives are presented: (1) the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC), formed in Brussels in 1991, & replaced by the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC), formed in 1997; & (2) the Partnership for Peace Program (PfP) created in 1994. The objectives of PfP are listed, & the participation of the Republic of Slovenia in this program since its very inception is discussed, identifying both positive & negative outcomes of this cooperation. The Slovenian government is criticized for failing to perform a cost-benefit analysis & provide adequate information to the public on how the interests of the country & PfP converge. Z. Dubiel

The author points out that energy reserves are adequate to meet demand till 2030. The principal uncertainty in global energy supply prospects is its price. We expect that international trade in energy, & fossil fuels in particular, will be on the rise. Technological advances & technology breakthroughs could radically alter the long-term picture of energy supply beyond 2006. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyses the development of EU in the new international surroundings during the last decade, also exploring the development of the European Security & Defence Policy (ESDP). The first part treats the changes in international relations, the role of USA & the NATO evolution. With the changes in international relations that are characterized by the relative weakening of USA, the rise of the powers such as China & Russia as well as the process of globalization within the multipolar frameworks, the European Union & its members states are facing the problem of adjusting to the new conditions. The second part of the article overviews the EU development, its geostrategic priorities as well as the development of ESDP. In the last dozen of years, the Common Foreign & Security Policy & the ESDP development have gone through a dynamic evolution. The attempts of the EU countries to emancipate from USA & become a serious factor in international relations imply that it should strengthen its international identity, & the political & military components, in particular. References. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author suggests that in recent years climate change is gravely affecting the stability of the international order. The reason is not only the recklessness of the industrial sector as a source polluter, but also the lack of political will in drafting a global blueprint for creating a unique international climate regime. Even though the effects of climate change are getting worse each year, the selfish interests of states, the realpolitik in foreign policy and anarchy dominate international relations, thus representing an obstacle to creating an international climate regime. The author examines ways to overcome these obstacles to international institutionalization of climate issues by introducing three IR theory perspectives: realist, rationalist and idealist. The synthesis of these three perspectives is that the international climate regime should be decentralized; its legal acts should be drafted from inter-state agreements on specific issues, while its principles should be incorporated to the already existing international legal acts. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with the new cycle of multilateral trade negotiations that started in Doha in 2001. Since then, the main question has remained to be how to overcome the radically different priorities of developed & developing countries. ED insists on expanding the WTO regulation system. Developing countries were against broadening of the negotiations, especially not to development that is not directly related to the trade dimension. The clash appeared in the form of a crisis of the multilateral system but also in the form of a crisis of confidence in WTO. The general agreement signed by the members of WTO in July 2004 was of great importance for the future of multilateralism. It remains to be seen if that will be confirmed at the conclusion of the Doha cycle envisaged for the end of 2006. References. Adapted from the source document.

The main task of the Swiss security policy up to the collapse of the bipolar system was the country's military defense. The content of its defense doctrine was elaborated on & further expanded as total defense in the non-military direction. The end of the cold war marked a departure from the classical defense doctrine & also relativized the mythological character of permanent neutrality, forcing Switzerland to redefine its security policy in the altered European security setting. The expansion of the concept of security went hand in hand with an increased interest in international peace efforts & international cooperation. In the meantime, Switzerland's instruments & activities have multiplied in both fields. In certain aspects, eg, the control of the policy of disarmament & armament, Switzerland has excelled. Concerning the new forms of threats & intimidation it has shown willingness for across-the-border cooperation, while the traditional formula security through neutrality & independence increasingly gives way to the new motto: Security through cooperation -- a shift from its time-honored foreign- & security/political course of restrictive & detached attitude towards a more intensive cooperation. Although conceptually the development of Swiss security policy & consequently its shift towards some peace policy has not been even remotely supported by a satisfactory redistribution of financial & personal resources, the Swiss military reform -- introduced in early 2004 -- is de facto a conceptual accommodation of the Swiss military force to the new plan on European security. Switzerland has become a member of the PfP although, due to its policy of neutrality, it is not planning to join the NATO. Nevertheless, Switzerland is vacillating between the EU membership & a more substantial rapprochement with the NATO, at the same time putting all its hopes into the development of global management under the direction of the United Nations & the joint security system. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.