The article explores the main mechanisms of the maintenance of international order in a contemporary system of international relations. Within the system of international relations an order status is maintained by mechanisms of two types: organized and elemental. In this context, the mechanisms for maintaining order can be divided according to not only the degree of organization but also the content. From this perspective, the following mechanisms of international order were distinguished: institutional, regulatory-legal, economic, political-military, cultural, ideological and informational. International order is the sum of certain rules and principles established by all countries; those that they observe are built on the interaction of different factors. ; The article explores the main mechanisms of the maintenance of international order in a contemporary system of international relations. Within the system of international relations an order status is maintained by mechanisms of two types: organized and elemental. In this context, the mechanisms for maintaining order can be divided according to not only the degree of organization but also the content. From this perspective, the following mechanisms of international order were distinguished: institutional, regulatory-legal, economic, political-military, cultural, ideological and informational. International order is the sum of certain rules and principles established by all countries; those that they observe are built on the interaction of different factors.
The article explores the main mechanisms of the maintenance of international order in a contemporary system of international relations. Within the system of international relations an order status is maintained by mechanisms of two types: organized and elemental. In this context, the mechanisms for maintaining order can be divided according to not only the degree of organization but also the content. From this perspective, the following mechanisms of international order were distinguished: institutional, regulatory-legal, economic, political-military, cultural, ideological and informational. International order is the sum of certain rules and principles established by all countries; those that they observe are built on the interaction of different factors. ; The article explores the main mechanisms of the maintenance of international order in a contemporary system of international relations. Within the system of international relations an order status is maintained by mechanisms of two types: organized and elemental. In this context, the mechanisms for maintaining order can be divided according to not only the degree of organization but also the content. From this perspective, the following mechanisms of international order were distinguished: institutional, regulatory-legal, economic, political-military, cultural, ideological and informational. International order is the sum of certain rules and principles established by all countries; those that they observe are built on the interaction of different factors.
The thrust of this Paper is to analyse the transformation of international custom construction and creation from the model of state practice supported by opinio iuris to a new concept reflected in the judicial decision of the international criminal tribunals, with the main emphasis being on the case law of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The following questions are examined in analysing the interpretation, application, and in some instances, also the creation of customary international norms: from which sources do the judges look for evidence of customary international law? Is the requisite of actual state practice diminishing? What is the significance of international treaties, reports of international committees, and international case-law as sources of custom? Does the case law of the tribunals show that the role of the judge is more prevalent than traditionally in the formation of customary international law, at least in the area of international criminal law? The first part of the paper offers an analysis of customary law in the International Military Tribunal of Nuremberg, which, along with many post-Second World War legal instruments, case law, and academic commentary, has contributed to and clarified the content of customary norms in international criminal law. The second part reviews the decisions of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in relation to the concept, formation, and context of customary norms. In addition, the aim is to examine if the approach of the Tribunal on the construction of customary norms has changed during its period of functioning. The role of the judge in construction and in some instances, creation of customary international norms is discussed with references to the judicial decisions of the Yugoslavia Tribunal. I conclude that the dynamic approach adopted by judges in the construction of customary law in some cases of the Yugoslavia Tribunal is not unprecedented in the decisions of international courts. The third part discusses the problem of conflicting norms that may arise in the application and construction of customary criminal norms in international criminal tribunals. First, I conduct a limited conceptual and historical analysis of the principles of legality, the nullum crimen sine lege and the nulla poena sine lege principles, and I attempt to answer the substantive issues: how can the principles of legality be retained in the application of customary international norms by the international judge, and whether the progressive formation of custom (moving away from the requirement of 'constant and uniform state practice' supported by opinio iuris) destabilises legal certainty, which should be especially endorsed when an individual's (here meaning the accused) freedom is at issue? The final dilemma in relation to conflicting norms is that of deducing international criminal norms that give rise to individual criminal responsibility directly from treaties that were intended to be applied between the state parties. I conclude this paper by stating that the judges not only interpret, but also have an impact on the formation of customary international law because their decisions can be seen as evidence of (international) practice or as a reflection of opinio juris. Finally, this paper shows that there is a definite need for greater consistency in the formation of customary international norms in international criminal tribunals.
What are the conditions for a well-functioning currency union? Since the 1960s', there has been a long stream of literature dedicated to this question. Through studying the historical fixed exchange rate regime of the Gold Standard (chapter 2) and the modern day euro area (chapters 3 and 4), this thesis aims to add to the understanding of the economics of currency unions. Chapter 2 "When Do Fixed Exchange Rate Work? Evidence from the Gold Standard" examines external adjustments within a currency union. In particular, my co-author Felix Ward and I look at the historical circumstances of a fixed exchange rate regime that worked smoothly – the 1880-1913 Gold Standard. External adjustment under the Gold Standard was associated with few if any, output costs. How did countries on the Gold Standard equilibrate so smoothly despite inflexible exchange rates that were pegged to gold? To answer this question, we build and estimate an open economy model of the Gold Standard. This allows us to quantitatively assess the relative importance of three prominent channels of external adjustment: flexible prices, international migration, and monetary policy. Our first finding is that the output resilience of Gold Standard members was primarily a consequence of flexible prices. When hit by a shock, quickly adjusting prices induced import- and export responses that stabilized output. Neither restrictions on migration, nor the elimination of countercyclical monetary policy would have given rise to substantially higher output-volatility. Our second finding is that price flexibility was predicated on a historical contingency: namely large primary sectors, whose flexibly priced products dominated the export booms that stabilized output during major external adjustments. Chapter 3 "Sovereign Default Risk and the Role of International Transfers" asks what is the impact of interregional risk sharing arrangements when countries are afflicted with sovereign default risk. This is of particular interest in the setup of currency unions, where countries give up the exchange rate as a tool for business cycle stabilization. I introduce a sovereign default model in which regional sovereign default risk affects private sector financing costs and the linkage between public and private sector financing costs can exacerbate economic downturns. In this context, the benefit of international risk sharing comes in two dimensions. First, it helps to smooth consumption – the traditional channel of insurance. More importantly, by ameliorating large recessions, international risk sharing reduces the asymmetric impact of productivity shocks and raises average output level. Quantitative analysis shows that most of the welfare benefits that are obtainable from the optimal risk sharing arrangement can be reaped by a standby facility that is easy to implement. This finding is of policy relevance because whenever interregional risk sharing schemes are discussed between sovereign nation states, the willingness to part with fiscal autonomy is often severely limited. In Chapter 4 "Sovereign Risk Spillover and Monetary Policy in a Currency Union", I investigate the pass-through of sovereign default risk to the private sector financing condition from a different angle. In particular, I use a two-region currency union model to examine how the spillover affects shock propagation and optimal monetary policy. On the one hand, an increase in a region's sovereign risk premium raises the regional private sector credit spread, depresses inflation and tax revenue and further worsens the fiscal position. On the other hand, it also triggers changes in the policy interest rate. The net impact depends on the maturity of the government debt. When calibrated to the euro area and taken into account the average long maturity of government debt, the impact of the sovereign risk spillover on shock propagation is negligible. This is also reflected in optimal monetary policy. For the euro area, optimal monetary policy is well approximated by a simple target criterion that describes the optimal relation between output and inflation as derived from a basic New Keynesian model without sovereign risk and credit spreads. This continues to be the case even when there are cross-regional differences in their exposure to sovereign default risks. If government debts are short-term, however, the spillover considerably affects shock transmission and optimal monetary policy requires a stronger immediate shock-response.
Internationale Politieke Economie (IPE) is een nieuw vakgebied dat een zekere integratie voorstaat van Internationale Betrekkingen, Internationale Economische Betrekkingen, Politicologie en Bestuurskunde. Het is een terrein dat zich goed leent om de wisselwerking van verschijnselen op subnationaal, nationaal en internationaal niveau te analyseren. Dit artikel geeft een oeverzicht van de recente ontwikkelingen op dit vakgebied en signaleert de mogelijkheden en beperkingen van IPE.
The UN Charter and the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties require interpreting treaties and settling international disputes "in conformity with the principles of justice and international law." This contribution discusses procedural and substantive principles of justice which the international judge may take into account in interpreting international economic agreements. The "sovereign equality of states" underlying the "international law of coexistence" as well as the "international law of intergovernmental cooperation" must be interpreted in conformity with the universal recognition of human dignity as a source of inalienable human rights. The universal recognition of economic and social human rights further requires taking into account solidarity principles, as proposed also by the sociological approach to international law. The constitutional structures and citizen-oriented functions of the law of international economic organizations liberalizing and regulating mutually beneficial market transactions among citizens require judges to engage in a careful balancing of state-centered and citizen-oriented principles of international law, including respect for the emerging human right to democratic decision-making. This modern "international integration law" and the increasing number of "international constitutional rules" promote the reconciliation of the various state-centered approaches, human rights approaches, sociological approaches and policy-approaches to international law as a system not only of international rules and "legal pluralism" but also of constitutionally limited decision-making processes and struggles for human rights.
The underrepresentation of Asian states as parties to the Rome Statute has elicited concerns that the region is significantly falling behind in developing and enforcing international criminal justice. This view accords significance to ratification of the Rome Statute as the primary measure of a country's willingness to give effect to the norms protected by international criminal law. However, the development of international criminal justice mechanisms and substantive law has not entirely escaped Southeast Asia, which has seen the adoption of a spectrum of approaches to international criminal justice, including the establishment of international(ised) criminal institutions, Rome Statute ratifications, and the adoption of domestic legislation addressing international crimes – as well as other transitional justice procedures.This thesis identifies the laws and institutions for prosecuting international crimes in Southeast Asia and considers the arguments presented by different actors to influence states' approaches toward international criminal justice. It suggests that a linear account of these developments as deriving from externally driven norm diffusion is incomplete. Instead, drawing particularly on the experiences of Cambodia, the Philippines and Indonesia, this thesis argues that states, international organisations and non-state actors in Southeast Asia have engaged in a process of localisation leading to the adaptation of the international criminal justice norm. The development of mechanisms for prosecuting international crimes across Southeast Asia challenges assumptions about the temporal progression of norm diffusion, spatial designations between 'local' and 'international' ideas and actors, and the direction in which ideas and influences evolve across the world.This thesis makes significant and original contributions to knowledge by applying a 'localisation' framework to analyse debates about international criminal justice, including with reference to three case studies, and by extending and updating earlier surveys of international criminal laws in Southeast Asian states.
First l will explain a brief definition of what is meant by international law, this is the set of judicial and legislative rules whose primary objective is contribute to re|ations between states are as orderly and consistent manner possible to work with the maintenance of solidarity and peace. ; Öncelikle uluslararası hukukun kısa bir açıklamasını yapacağım. Uluslararası hukuk ülkeler arasında dayanışma ve barışı temin edecek amacı düzenli ve tutarlı ilişkiler kurulmasına katkı sağlayacak kanunlar bütünüdür. uluslararası hukuk devletlerin diğer ülkeler ile ve kendi sınırları içinde yaşayan insanlarla ilişkilerindeki yasal sorumluluklarını tanımlar.
The paper reviews international policy levers relevant to the work of CRISE. The large range of policy areas which potentially affect ethnic relations and the work of CRISE include factors that determine: political, economic and social resource access and inequalities across ethnic groups; perceptions of difference; and willingness to resolve differences peacefully. Policies relevant to these areas are primarily determined at the national level. However, these are greatly influenced by international norms emanating from the international community. Some international institutions also have a significant direct impact on policy via their own expenditures and conditionality. Most international influence over the economy and social sectors is wielded by the International Financial Institutions – with the World Bank especially important in relation to relevant distributional and sectoral policies. A range of United Nations organs contribute to the formation of norms, as well as acting in conflict-ridden situations, and influencing development policy. Bilateral donors and international NGOs have a significant direct impact in some countries. Large international corporations, responsible for massive investments, might become a powerful lever, as the movement for corporate social responsibility gains ground. Global media – the internet and television – are, of course, of increasing influence. Some academic centres and think tanks also affect the formation of global norms of policy-making.
Potential synergies between international trade and tourism are viewed optimistically by governments, yet research to assess their association is limited. To gain an understanding of trade and tourism relationships, this paper reports on a study which examines both product-related and tourism-related place image effects on consumer behavior simultaneously. Using the U.S. as the country of focus, key product and travel relationships are measured by structural equation modeling of consumer data from South Korea. Findings support the cross-over effect between one's beliefs about a country as a destination and as a producer, and one's willingness to travel to it and/or buy its products, and most strongly, that product beliefs affect views of travel destinations.
An examination of the ways the construction of the Internet, with cyberspace as the core, are changing the theory, policy, and practice of international relations. ; Cyberspace is widely acknowledged as a fundamental fact of daily life in today's world. Until recently, its political impact was thought to be a matter of low politics—background conditions and routine processes and decisions. Now, however, experts have begun to recognize its effect on high politics—national security, core institutions, and critical decision processes. In this book, Nazli Choucri investigates the implications of this new cyberpolitical reality for international relations theory, policy, and practice. The ubiquity, fluidity, and anonymity of cyberspace have already challenged such concepts as leverage and influence, national security and diplomacy, and borders and boundaries in the traditionally state-centric arena of international relations. Choucri grapples with fundamental questions of how we can take explicit account of cyberspace in the analysis of world politics and how we can integrate the traditional international system with its cyber venues. After establishing the theoretical and empirical terrain, Choucri examines modes of cyber conflict and cyber cooperation in international relations; the potential for the gradual convergence of cyberspace and sustainability, in both substantive and policy terms; and the emergent synergy of cyberspace and international efforts toward sustainable development. Choucri's discussion is theoretically driven and empirically grounded, drawing on recent data and analyzing the dynamics of cyberpolitics at individual, state, international, and global levels.
The contestation of international decision-making is one of the most pressing problems affecting both national institutions and international organizations. As the main arenas of communal decision-making, the involvement of parliaments may be a solution to the legitimacy shortages of international decisions and the institutional paralysis that this may ensue. This dissertation examines two distinct processes that reveal the current place of parliaments in international politics. In the first part of my dissertation, I focus on the role of national parliaments in the politicisation of European integration. Using original data on parliamentary debates and a large corpus of newspaper articles, I show that parliaments are channels for the politicisation of EU decision-making. I find that parliamentary debates on the EU have media attention, especially debates over EU institutions, and that news related to the EU in general are more likely to mention parliament than news unrelated to the EU. In the second part of my dissertation, I study international parliamentary institutions (IPIs). I present the first large n study on the parliamentarization of international organizations (IOs) and propose that IOs utilise IPIs to increase their democratic legitimacy. Specifically, IOs with a region-building objective seek to associate with an institutional design from a more legitimate example: national representative democracy. I support the conclusions of my quantitative analysis with a small n study of the creation of the Andean Parliament. Using original qualitative data, I argue that the transformation of the Andean institutions into a region-building project and the democratic transitions of military regimes at the time were conducive to parliamentarization. My results support the idea that parliaments can help to resolve the inherent tensions between national polities and international decision-making. At the national level, parliaments debating international decisions regain their democratic function of communicating policy alternatives. For IOs, empowerment of existing IPIs following the example of the European Parliament would alleviate the democratic deficit in which they operate.
Locating Africa on the global stage, this book examines and compares external involvement in the continent, exploring the foreign policies of major states and international organizations towards Africa. The contributors work within a political economy framework in order to study how these powers have attempted to stimulate democracy, peace and prosperity in the context of neo-liberal hegemony and ask whom these attempts have benefited and failed.
L'auteur examine la manière dont la biodiversité est désormais inscrite à l'ordre du jour des organisations internationales, y compris les organisations non gouvernementales, et des programmes internationaux. La biodiversité est couverte par la Convention sur la diversité biologique, mais elle fait aussi l'objet de discussions plus larges qui ont trait aux ressources génétiques, aux points sensibles de la biodiversité et aux services fournis par les écosystèmes. L'auteur recense les principales institutions, organisations, conventions et programmes internationaux qui traitent spécifiquement de la biodiversité, de l'environnement ou des services fournis par les écosystèmes. Plus récemment, l'" approche écosystémique " a radicalement transformé la perception de la biodiversité, en mettant l'accent sur les services rendus par celle-ci. Pour conclure, l'auteur souligne l'impérieuse nécessité de mettre au point des indicateurs des services fournis par les écosystèmes, qui représentent des avantages pour l'être humain et pour les sociétés en général.
Other written product issued by the Government Accountability Office with an abstract that begins "This report supersedes GAO-05-91SP, GAO's International Protocols, October 2004. This document contains the protocols governing the U.S. Government Accountability Office's (GAO) work that has international components or implications. These protocols provide clearly defined and transparent policies and practices on how GAO will interact with U.S. federal departments and agencies, other national governments, and international organizations in its international work. They identify what international organizations and supreme audit institutions (SAI) can expect from GAO. These protocols are intended to cover most situations that arise during the course of GAO's work and are consistent, to the extent applicable, with the protocols that govern GAO's work for the Congress and with U.S. federal agencies."
