Suchergebnisse

A GRADUAL ADAPTATION OF MILITARY SOCIOLOGY & MILITARY POLITICAL SCIENCE TO THE SHIFTING ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN THIRD WORLD POLITICS IS SUGGESTED. 5 PHASES ARE TRACED: (1) THE BELIEF IN THE 'WESTERN' ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN THE THIRD WORLD, (2) THE SURPRISE OF MILITARY INTERVENTIONS IN AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS, (3) THE ACCEPTANCE OF MILITARY INTERVENTIONS AS A 'NORMAL' & 'INSTITUTIONALIZED' PHENOMENON, (4) THE ACCEPTANCE OF MILITARY REGIME AS A 'NORMAL' POLITICAL CONSTELLATION, & (5) THE COOL ANALYSIS OF THE POLICY OUTCOMES OF MILITARY REGIMES. 8 BOOKS ARE DISCUSSED ON THE BASIS OF 6 THEMES DOMINATING MILITARY SOCIOLOGY & MILITARY POLITICAL SCIENCE: (A) THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE MILITARY IN POLITICS IS SERIOUSLY HAMPERED BY WEAK CONCEPT FORMATION & CLASSIFICATORY SCHEMES, (B) VARIOUS TYPES & DEGREES OF COOPERATION OF THE MILITARY AUTHORITIES FOR THE GATHERING OF INFORMATION ON THEIR ORGANIZATION ARE NOTICED; THE AWARENESS OF ENCAPSULATION & MUTILATION OF EVIDENCE IS INSUFFICIENTLY PRESENT, (C) THE COMPLEX RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SOCIAL ORIGIN OF THE OFFICE CORPS, THEIR ATTITUDES, & THEIR BEHAVIORAL ACTS ARE NOT TREATED IN A SOPHISTICATED MANNER, (D) THE 'EXPLANATION' OF MILITARY INTERVENTION IN POLITICS IS FREQUENTLY PUT IN INACCURATE TERMS, (E) THE LEGITIMACY PROBLEMS OF MILITARY REGIMES ARE ANALYZED UNSYSTEMATICALLY, & (F) THE INTERNATIONAL FACTOR SHOULD BE INTRODUCED AS A POSSIBLE STIMULUS & IMPEDIMENT TO MILITARY INTERVENTION & MILITARY RULE IN POLITICS. 2 TABLES. MODIFIED HA.

Explanation is given to the dismal predictions of the Club of Rome studies concerning long-run consequences of economic growth & population increases, & why they are not translated into policy changes affecting those variables. The domestic function of economic growth, providing bargaining space for the solution of political conflicts, & the propensity of policy makers to give priority to short-run problems affecting their own position inhibit these policy changes. Focus is on the theory of W. Harich, (KOMMUNISMUS OHNE WACHSTUM? BABEUF UND DER CLUB OF ROME [Communism without Growth? Babeuf and the Club of Rome], Rheinbeck: Rowohlt, 1975) a philosopher from the German Democratic Republic who argued for rigid centralization of political & economic power at the global level. Although Harich did not include concepts such as `liberty', `democracy', & `constitution' in his theory, this can be compared to some of the political reactions to the challenge in Western Europe. Proposals made by Tinbergen & the Mansholt plan however are found to be more promising. 3 Figures. Modified HA.

The political arithmetic of Sir William Petty is explored as a method of investigation, in relation to his political & economic ideas. Elements of the relevant cultural background are exposed. Petty's ideas are shown to exhibit a remarkable degree of interconnectedness: political institutions, economic behavior, & demographic developments are interrelated & influence each other in producing "peace & plenty" for the country. Petty's investigation into the central concept of 'plenty' is an example of the method of political arithmetic; he attempted to express man in terms of number, weight, or measure. Modified HA.

The concepts of rationality & rational behavior can only be meaningfully used as concepts referring to individual behavior, ie, as concepts characterizing the way individuals choose among behavioral alternatives on the basis of preference & probability. Definitions of rationality & rational behavior are reviewed. The only definition that seems adequate is the vague one that defines rational behavior as the choice of an alternative in accordance with the preference ordering of the outcomes of the different alternatives, with estimation of the probability of different alternatives. The importance of the hypothesis of rational behavior in efforts of theory building is stressed. Because most theories are built on a comparable vague notion of rationality, the dichotomy of rational & nonrational theories is rejected. Modified HA.

One of the most important problems in political science is party choice. Choice problems of a general nature have been studied by psychologists & market-researchers. Models from these fields are applied to political choice behavior. Research here was based on the principles of the 'attitude-model', which incorporates cognitive & affective aspects, integrated by means of combination rules. Focus is on identification of central attributes that characterize the 14 Dutch political parties in parliament. This was done by utilizing multidimensional scaling representations & by presenting a set of prespecified attributes to a group of individuals. The investigation pointed out 3 dimensions representing the 14 parties: the leftist-religious & government dimension, the nongovernment group, & a 3rd dimension, which could not be labeled. Discrepancies between these results & those of earlier research are due to differences in methods of data collection. The need for additional information is stressed. 3 Tables, 2 Figures. Modified HA.

Additional information is offered on research on identification of a set of attributes that characterize Dutch political parties for the voters. One group of people was confronted with 12 unipolar adjectives & a subset of 5 parties; the 2nd group was confronted with 13 issues & 5 parties. The main result of analysis of the adjective group was that for some adjectives, the perception of parties changed, but remained invariable for others. 2 dimensions of the multidimensional representation were pointed out. The 3rd dimension however, could not be connected with any attribute; it can be considered as a kind of generalized evaluative dimension. The importance of these results for further research in this field is stressed. 10 Tables. Modified HA.

The history of Surinam's economy & class development is analyzed, providing the basis for explanation of how privileged & nonprivileged classes were determined. Racial characteristics & class position are closely related. An attempt is made to demonstrate in which ways class & race have affected the development of political parties after WWII. The creation of political parties can be considered the reaction of different racial elites to the necessity of democratically legitimizing their power. Until now elites have been able to preserve an advantageous position in influencing basic policy decisions within their parties. Elites govern by means of informal compromises & coalitions, which constitutes a threat to the stability of the system. Surinam, on the verge of independence, awaits a long period of political instability & faces the possibility of external interference. 1 Table. Modified HA.

Analysis is made of the way in which the Peruvian military government has achieved institutional control over the program of structural reforms that has been put into effect since 1968. This process has emphasized the instrumental function of the government apparatus; it was directed toward a proper execution of the government program, & it assured a firm control over the course of the revolutionary process. The changes that took place in Peru are reviewed: (1) the remodeling of the formal structure of the state apparatus, a redefinition of the function of various units; (2) the regulation of general appointment procedures, promotions, dismissals etc; & (3) direct appointment to key positions within the state apparatus on the basis of a more general assumed loyalty, especially involving members of the so called Inca military group. 5 Tables. Modified HA.

THE CONTOURS OF A THEORY OF STATUS POLITICS ARE SKETCHED. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IS 1ST CONSIDERED IN TERMS OF THE PLAY & COUNTERPLAY OF 3 GROUPS OF FACTORS: (1) PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS THAT DETERMINE THE AMBITION TO PARTICIPATE, (2) INDIVIDUAL POLITICAL RESOURCES, & (3) INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS. SECONDLY, A THEORY OF POLITICAL STRIVING IS CONSTRUCTED. EMPHASIS IS PUT ON THE RELATIONS BETWEEN POLITICAL AMBITION & THE OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE OF THE POLITY. POLITICAL POSITIONS ARE DISCUSSED IN TERMS OF DEMAND & SUPPLY, & INDIVIDUAL POLITICAL RESOURCES ARE INTERPRETED AS A NECESSARY CONDITION OF THE INCUMBENCY OF POLITICAL POSITIONS. A MODEL CONTAINING 6 RELATIONS IS PRESENTED. 3RD IS THE INTRODUCTION OF INCENTIVES. THE THEORY OF POLITICAL STRIVING ASSUMES POLITICAL AMBITION TO VARY ACCORDING TO CHANGES IN THE LEVEL OF RESOURCES & THE SUPPLY OF POLITICAL POSITIONS, BUT THE THEORY OF POLITICAL INCENTIVES ADDS THE ELEMENT OF SATISFACTIONS CONNECTED WITH POLITICAL PARTICIPATION. INCENTIVES ARE VIEWED AS EMOTIONAL NEEDS, SUCH AS STATUS, WHICH ARE SATISFIED BY MEANS OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION. THE POSSIBILITY OF EXTENDING THE MODEL OF POLITICAL STRIVING IN THE DIRECTION OF STATUS IS ANALYZED. STATUS & PROGRAM ARE ASSUMED TO BE POLAR TYPES OF INCENTIVES. THE 3 VARIABLES OF THE MODEL ARE (A) POLITICAL AMBITION BASED ON EMOTIONAL NEED OF SOCIAL PRESTIGE, (B) POLITICAL RESOURCES THAT ARE PARTICULARLY SUITED FOR SUCCESSFUL PARTICIPATION IN STATUS POLITICS, & (C) STATUS POSITIONS IN THE OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE. THE SUPPLY OF POLITICAL POSITIONS HAS CONSIDERABLY INCREASED IN HOLLAND IN RECENT YEARS. RESEARCHING WHETHER THIS IS BECAUSE OF A TREND TOWARDS STATUS POLITICS IS A DELICATE MATTER BECAUSE OF TABOOS & POLITICIANS' DEFENSE MECHANISMS. 4 FIGURES. MODIFIED HA.

THE CONCEPT OF NONDECISIONS HAS BEEN CRITICIZED IN RECENT YEARS ON A NUMBER OF POINTS. SOME OF THESE EMANATED FROM MULTIPLE, THOUGH NOT TOTALLY, EQUIVALENT, DEFINITIONS, SOME FROM ASSUMPTIONS WHICH SEEM TO BE IMPLIED BY THE CONCEPT--SUCH AS THE ASSUMPTION OF A RULING ELITE, ETC. THE CONCEPT OF NONDECISION IS REDEFINED. THIS CONCEPTUALIZATION IS LINKED WITH A MODEL OF THE POLITICAL PROCESS IN WHICH NONDECISIONS ARE ASSOCIATED WITH THE PROCESS OF AGENDA-BUILDING. A BROAD DEFINITION OF POLITICS, INCLUDING VALUE ALLOCATION BY AUTHORITIES OTHER THAN GOVERNMENT, LEADS TO A NUMBER OF RESEARCH QUESTIONS CONCERNING THE POLITICAL AGENDA, WHICH HAVE BEEN LITTLE EXPLORED UP TO NOW. NONDECISIONS CAN BE CONSIDERED AS ONE OF MANY MANIFESTATIONS OF THE 'MOBILIZATION OF BIAS' PREVALENT IN A POLITICAL SYSTEM. TO AVOID THE FALLACY OF 'INPUTISM', NONDECISION RESEARCH HAS TO BE COMPLEMENTED WITH RESEARCH ABOUT NONIMPLEMENTATION, FEEDBACK TO WANT-GENERATION, FEEDBACK TO THE MOBILIZATION OF BIAS ITSELF, & THE DIRECT GENERATION OF AGENDA-ITEMS BY THE DECISION-MAKERS THEMSELVES. MODIFIED HA.

THE STUDY OF CORRUPTION IS PURSUED ALONG ECOLOGICAL LINES, FOCUSING ON THE INTERRELATIONSHIP OF POLITICS & ADMINISTRATION. IF POLITICS IS DEFINED IN TERMS OF VALUES, POWER, & PUBLIC POLICY, THEN AN ADMINISTRATOR MAY BE CONSIDERED A 'POLITICIAN' IN MANY RESPECTS, ALTHOUGH HE IS OPERATING IN A MORE STRUCTURED CONTEXT & SUBJECT TO DIFFERENT NORMS (ADMINISTRATIVE OUTPUT-CULTURE, VS POLITICIAN'S INPUT-CULTURE). WHETHER CORRUPTION IS DEFINED AS THE VIOLATION OF NORMS, AS SELF-INTERESTED BEHAVIOR, OR AS A TRANSACTION, THE VARIOUS FORMS OF CORRUPTION MAY BE EXPLAINED BY THE CONFUSION & OVERLAP OF POLITICS & ADMINISTRATION. OFFICIAL POSITIONS MAY SERVE AS SPOILS, USED AS POLITICAL RESOURCE, OR CORRUPT LOYALITIES MAY GUIDE AN ADMINISTRATOR'S BEHAVIOR; THE LATTER MAY BE RELATED TO THE INFORMAL ORGANIZATION WITHIN THE BUREAUCRACY OR TO THE SOCIAL & POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT. IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES, INTERNAL BUREAUCRATIC COMPETITION & ENVIRONMENTAL NEEDS FOR CORRUPT INFLUENCE ON PUBLIC POLICY ARE ESPECIALLY STRONG BECAUSE OF SOCIAL CONFLICTS, DISRUPTIVE CONTACT BETWEEN TRADITIONAL & WESTERN NORMS & ROLES, & BECAUSE OF AN INCREASING IMPACT OF THE NATIONAL ADMINISTRATION UPON THE CULTURALLY DISTANT LOCAL COMMUNITIES. CULTURAL CONFUSION & POLITICAL EXCLUSION OF MANY GROUPS LEAVE CORRUPTION AS THE ONLY EFFECTIVE MEANS TO INFLUENCE PUBLIC POLICY AT THE OUTPUT STAGE. MODIFIED HA.