Suchergebnisse

Argues that the 1999 international military intervention in East Timor was strikingly different from the international intervention in Kosovo during the same year. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) intervened in Kosovo over the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's claim to sovereignty that NATO insisted it would continue to recognize. In contrast, although Indonesia's claim to sovereignty over East Timor was not recognized by the UN, the international community claimed Indonesia's consent was necessary for intervention. Attention is called to the extreme suffering of the people of East Timor during the years of non-intervention; Indonesia's resistance to any international security presence in East Timor; & Indonesian President B.J. Habibie's decision to allow the East Timorese to choose between autonomy within Indonesia or independence. The violence that erupted after the ballot prompted criticisms that Australia, the US, & the UN should have exerted more pressure on Indonesia to accept an international force to maintain security in East Timor. Further contrasts between the East Timor & Kosovo interventions are pointed out along with their implications for humanitarian interventions. J. Lindroth

Reflects on the continuing evolution of the international system toward a third phase of capitalism that might achieve greater world unity & equality than in the 19th century. The historical growth of capitalism separated nation-states into a center & periphery. In the post-WWII period, capitalism entered a new phase in which production became disconnected from local contexts & capital became immune from national policies. It is unclear how the international system will evolve, but three types of relationships will structure the near future: center-periphery states, East-West, & between Western nations. Progressive forces should work toward a polycentric internationalism that seeks to link the nation-states of the international system on the basis of their level of development. D. M. Smith

The extent to which agents acting on behalf of the state are constrained by internal & external factors is examined. Literature on the influence of various factors on state decision making is reviewed, & constraints that affect state decision making on foreign policy are identified: agent views & inclinations; agent positions in the state structure; state political & legal foundations; & state economic, historical, & geographical position in relation to other states. International diplomatic standards, global law, international morality, different regimes, & global institutions also influence state decision making. Although none of the aforementioned constraints are absolutes, it is concluded that successful foreign policy requires the balancing of freedom & necessity. 34 References. J. W. Parker

The effects of political & economic corruption on international policy are studied. An overview of corruption's domestic economic effects emphasizes differences between the consequences of grand & petty corruption. The issue of whether corruption constitutes a legitimate obstacle to international trade is discussed. The question of whether the 1977 Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) constitutes a disincentive for US businesses to export their products is addressed. Whereas some US companies have utilized the FCPA to prevent solicitations from corrupt foreign officials, other enterprises have simply evaded or disregarded FCPA restrictions. It is concluded that the FCPA has not significantly decreased US exports & that such restrictions may assist US businesses to acquire contracts with democratic systems seeking legitimacy. 2 Tables, 32 References. J. W. Parker

Considers issues regarding the media's intermediary role in cases of international intervention, asserting that in democratic societies, when a government wants to involve itself in another country, it ought to obtain & uphold public support for its actions. Thus, the government must offer & the media must present reliable, comprehensive, & comprehendible information. In this light, four problems inhibiting the media's capacity to steer public opinion are discussed: (1) state regulation, influence, or manipulation of the media; (2) news flow imbalance; (3) stereotypical framing of certain foreign events as social conflicts; & (4) inherent cognitive difficulties in TV news production that impairs viewer comprehension. As these problems are exacerbated in relation to foreign news, the solution for producers is to domesticate the news, providing a familiar context for domestic viewers. Because TV seems to be the main source of news, & in light of the problems addressed, how the situation can be improved to make the public discourse on intervention more responsible is explored, arriving at three potential directions: (A) Demand reliable information from the government & other agencies. (B) Insist that journalists & broadcast organizations improve methods of informing the public. (C) Promote media literacy for better information processing & to generate public concern with international affairs. J. Zendejas

The United Nations intervention in Kosovo & subsequent provision of democracy assistance via the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo are examined to ascertain the sustainability of the nation's democratic transition. An overview of the various circumstances that prompted the United Nation's intervention in Kosovo, eg, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's bombing of key Serbian military installations, is presented. After addressing the outcome of the Kosovo War & the international community's initial attempts to promote democracy in Kosovo, the stipulations of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 are reviewed. Attention is then dedicated to analyzing the interim administration's handling of the remaining Serbian population, the demilitarization of the Kosovar guerrilla forces, the recovery of the national economy, & the contestation of local & national elections; difficulties faced by the transitional government in achieving these objectives are highlighted. It is concluded that the Kosovar public will have to overcome the United Nations administrative & operational shortcomings in order to achieve a sustainable democratic political system. J. W. Parker

Examines the paradox inherent in international relations whereby international law & diplomacy favor state autonomy in domestic affairs while multilateral treaties & international institutions allow for collective action against governments violating generally accepted norms of behavior. It is contended that this paradox is based on the character of sovereignty, which specifies that "individual states are independent, but not autonomous, from the collectivity of states." At issue is establishing the conditions under which the international community has assumed the right & responsibility to intercede to protect individuals & groups in sovereign states. The manner in which the principle of sovereignty limits & empowers state collectivities to enforce international norms is explored, highlighting the dialectic of sovereignty arising from the Westphalian system in which sovereignty is both a constitutive principle & derivate. Attention turns to scrutinizing international communities as conceptually independent of the states that constitute them, arguing that only with general consensus can a broad-based community of states legitimately intervene in the affairs of a sovereign. Because international norms change over time, how & why some rules & practices emerge during certain historical periods must be considered to explain the conditions necessary for legitimate multilateral intervention without violating sovereignty. Three conditions are seen as prerequisite for the existence of the kind of pluralistic international communities necessary to account for the relative consensus needed to legitimate intervention: (1) There must be a least a modicum of consensus among major powers of the fundamentals of international politics. (2) The consensus principles must enjoy broad support from smaller states & their key domestic groups. (3) There must be a universal membership organization with the authority to create & enforce norms of behavior. Those specific norms & principles on which the community is based are looked at. The principles of legitimate post Cold War multilateral intervention are next assessed, delineating four generally accepted principles, eg, in cases where governments commit a consistent pattern of gross human rights violations deemed "shocking to the conscience of mankind." Some policy & theoretical implications are touched on in conclusion. J. Zendejas

Corruption is a complex activity. It is widely recognized as prevalent, despite the lack of empirical data. It goes beyond economic & political areas to affect people's lives & fundamental human rights. Governments that tolerate corruption are breaching human rights, so international human rights mechanisms have recently come into play to fight corruption & provide an alternative to domestic approaches. The human rights potentially affected by corruption are specifically those rights to affiliation, life, bodily health & integrity, political participation, nondiscrimination, & social & economic development. The Covenants supporting these rights, the International Covenant on Civil & Political Rights & the International Covenant on Economic, Social & Cultural Rights, are examined in relation to corruption. More solid empirical cases for the link between corruption & breaches of human rights are needed, & the human rights discourse needs to be integrated into international discussion on corruption & anticorruption activity. 1 Table. M. Pflum

The utility of the notion of multi-level governance for International Relations studies is explored. An overview of the concepts of "good governance" & multi-level governance is presented. In addition, a comparison of conventional understandings of government & governance is performed, demonstrating an ambiguous relationship between the two notions; specifically, it is stated that in certain circumstances, governance opposes the distribution of authority enacted by state governments. Therefore, the distribution of authority within five international contexts -- international civic norms, international civil society, supranational organizations, the international system, & transnational threats -- is studied to determine the extent of insight provided by the adoption of a multi-level governance perspective to examining international relations. Several conclusions are reached, eg, particular supranational organizations exhibit hierarchical systems characteristic of central states, & recommendations for future research are offered. J. W. Parker

The chapter defines & distinguishes foreign policy analysis & international politics, & discusses their origins & development as subfields. Next, the impact of constructivism on the areas, while not always acknowledged as such, is examined. Constructivism contributes to theoretical dimensions of structure, agency, rationality, institutions, & identity. Tables illustrate the application of key concepts. The chapter also summarizes important literature & debates concerning constructivism & international relations. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 50 References. K. Coddon

The author takes up the question of the usefulness of theory to the practice of feminist scholarship & at least as importantly to the practice of feminism & to the lives of women -- especially poor women living in societies in which women have even fewer rights than do their sisters elsewhere. Still, despite the limitations of theory, she argues that feminist philosophers should take up Kant's practical postulate. Women continue to suffer throughout the world from pervasive discrimination vis-a-vis all major human capabilities, including life itself, but this does not mean that the large-scale practical task of wedding history to theory should not be attempted. Such an attempt remains morally valuable to help us sustain hope about the human condition. D. Knaff