Yu Hongyuan. ; "January 2004." ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web. ; Abstracts in English and Chinese.
by Li Hang-tsang, Steven. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-138). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; List of Tables --- p.i ; List of Charts --- p.iii ; List of Diagrams --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Global Interaction and Economic Development --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Sociological Perspectives of Economic Development --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Network Perspective of Global Interaction --- p.7 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Objectives and research Design --- p.9 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1 --- World System Perspective and Global Interaction --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Classification Scheme of World System Perspective --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Global Interaction and the Operation of Capitalism --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Global Interaction and Economic Development --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Economic Business Cycle and Economic Development --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Global Factors and Economic Development --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Local Factors and Economic Development --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Critiques and Limitations of World System Perspective --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- The Limitation of Theory Testing --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Insufficient Study of Global Interaction --- p.27 ; Chapter (1) --- Interaction Among Core Countries --- p.29 ; Chapter (2) --- Interaction Between Core Country and Semi-Peripheral Country --- p.30 ; Chapter (3) --- Interaction Among Peripheral Countries --- p.31 ; Chapter (4) --- Other Unspecified Interaction --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- The Ignored Facets of Global Interaction --- p.32 ; Chapter (1) --- Interaction Partner --- p.32 ; Chapter (2) --- Interaction Intensity --- p.32 ; Chapter (3) --- The Combined Effect of Interaction Partner and Interaction Intensity --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Network Perspective and New Conception to Global Interaction --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Conceptual Framework and Hypotheses --- p.39 ...
Hong Kong is clearly within the 'One Country' and this is simply no longer an issue. How the 'Two Systems' can survive, and how they should interact, is the riding question. The substance of mutual legal assistance in general, and extradition — or rendition — in particular, in a domestic context is not necessarily different from that in an international context. Such assistance will be the subject of an agreement between two jurisdictions arrived at through a process of negotiation and agreed upon by both parties. There is no inherent substance in any extradition agreement, international or otherwise. The substance is negotiable depending upon necessity and the parties' political will and political skill. No one party should impose its will on the other. The only question is what are the terms that should go into a rendition agreement between Hong Kong and the Mainland? ; published_or_final_version
Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views. ; Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of AugustThe Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Anna Mahera, Émigration et développement économique dans la Grèce d'après guerre. L'approche du problème par le milieu politique de Centre-gauche Dans les premières années de l'après guerre, en Grèce se pose de nouveau le problème du mode de développement économique. En effet, la perspective de l'arrivée massive des capitaux américains en combinaison avec la disponibilité d'une main-d'oeuvre autochtone créent des conditions favorables à un projet d'industrialisation. C'est au sein des milieux politiques grecques qu'un tel projet est élaboré, alors que les instances internationales —comme le Food and Agriculture Organisation des Nations Unies— signalent les graves difficultés à surmonter. Progressivement, dans le climat de la guerre froide des années 1950, la quasi-totalité des forces politiques grecques ont abandonné l'idée d'un développement industriel, admettant la position subalterne occupée par le pays dans la division internationale du travail. Celui-ci doit se contenter au rôle de fournisseur de main-d'oeuvre vers les pays européens, en particulier vers l'Allemagne, en phase de reconstruction économique, à travers Γ émigration du travail qui prend une grande ampleur dans les années 1950 et 1960. Tout au plus, la Grèce peut-elle envisager le développement du secteur des services. Contrairement aux autres forces politiques, le Centre-gauche a parcouru ce chemin avec une décennie de retard, en raison de la présence en son sein d'une réflexion économique affirmée, émanant d'économistes de haut niveau, orientés vers l'économie de la planification, et peut-être aussi à cause de l'éloignement de ce milieu du jeu politique immédiat. Le rangement du Centre-gauche à la politique officielle d'émigration intereuropéenne a marqué la fin d'une période de fermentation sur le projet d'industrialisation de la Grèce dont l'origine remonte à l'entre-deux-guerres.
by Wong Tze-Kin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 191-199). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.i ; ABSTRACTS --- p.ii ; LIST OF TABLES AND DIAGRAM --- p.ix ; ABBREVIATIONS --- p.x ; Chapter PART ONE: --- APEC AND THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION ; CHAPTER ; Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background: the First APEC Meeting in 1989 --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Thesis Statement --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Propositions of Thesis --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptual Framework --- p.9 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Premises --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- The Political Economy of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.3.3 --- International Cooperation and the Differentiation between Strong Regimes and Weak Regimes --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.3.4 --- "Functions of Regimes: Information, Institutional Nesting and Cross Issues-Linkage" --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Sources of Materials and Organization of the Study --- p.20 ; Chapter II. --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Concepts of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Theories of Cooperation Among States --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Realist Theories --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Neo-Liberal Institutional ism --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Remarks --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Study of APEC --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Objectives of APEC --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Constraints on APEC --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Theoretical Implications of APEC --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.39 ; Chapter PART TWO: --- "INTERDEPENDENCE, INDIVIDUAL VISIONS AND THE BIRTH OF APEC" ; Chapter III. --- THE CREATION OF APEC AND INCENTIVES OF ORIGINAL PLAYERS --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Interdependence and the Development of Non-governmental Organizations in the Asia-Pacific Region --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Historical Development of Non-governmental Organizations --- p.41 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- Problems of Economic Cooperation in the ...
Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French Relations The Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair. ; Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French RelationsThe Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair.
by Lam Lai Ming, Regina, Tang Oi Tai. ; Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 65-66). ; Questionnaire also in Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.ii ; TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.iv ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.vi ; LIST OF FIGURES --- p.vii ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.ix ; Chapter ; Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Genes and GM Food --- p.1 ; Examples of GM Food Available in the Market --- p.2 ; Potential Benefits and Risks of GM Food --- p.2 ; Scientific Evidence for the Safety of GM Food --- p.5 ; The International Scene of GM Food Labeling System --- p.6 ; Pros and Cons of GM Food Labeling --- p.7 ; Consumers' Perception and Acceptance of GM Food --- p.9 ; Situation in Hong Kong --- p.11 ; Hong Kong Public´ةs Concern --- p.13 ; Chapter II. --- RESEARCH OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY --- p.15 ; Research Objectives --- p.15 ; Methodology --- p.15 ; Research Design --- p.15 ; Questionnaire --- p.16 ; Data Collection --- p.17 ; Data Analysis Method --- p.17 ; Chapter III. --- FINDINGS AND IMPLICATIONS --- p.19 ; General Public's knowledge about / awareness of GM food --- p.19 ; Consumers' Perception and Attitudes towards GM Food and Traditionally Produced Food --- p.22 ; Quality --- p.25 ; Nutritional Value --- p.27 ; Price --- p.29 ; Safety of consumption --- p.31 ; Consumers' Purchasing Behavior --- p.34 ; To evaluate consumers' opinions and reactions to the GM Food labeling system in Hong Kong --- p.40 ; Profiles of the respondents --- p.43 ; Limitations --- p.46 ; Chapter IV. --- RECOMMENDATIONS --- p.48 ; For Government --- p.48 ; For GM Food Manufacturers --- p.50 ; For Suppliers --- p.51 ; APPENDIX --- p.53 ; BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.65
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Juan Suriano, Cultural practices and politics of the argentine anarchism The writer attempts to establish the basic characteristics of the argentine anarchism, analyze its cultural dimensions and show the limits of its strategies. The basic concepts of the anarchism in Argentina were developed during the years 1870-1920, within a constantly changing and cosmopolitan social environment, since it was in that period that the country became part of the international market place. The anarchists' discourse, being flexible and out of rigid structures, based on the principles of class heterodoxy, individualism and universality, as well as on the spontaneous action, achieved to interpret, during the years 1890-1910, not only the demands of the working class, but also the discontent and frustration of the lower classes and oppressed social groups, in general. The anarchists undertook the mission to «illuminate» and educate morally the working class, through the doctrinaire press and a network of a considerable number of circles, clubs and alternative schools, which offered not only economic help but also education and entertainment to the workers and their families. On the other hand, the constant rejection, by the anarchists, of the concepts of citizenship, representation and political participation had a negative effect on the popularity of the movement: because of the new political situation during the 1910s —in 1912 all men obtained the right to vote—, the working class changed its attitude towards the electoral process and got interested in the social measures taken by the radical governments of the period; as a result, the anarchism faced serious difficulties to attract the interest of the lower classes.
by Chan, Cheuk-Wah. ; Thesis submitted in: August 1997. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter CHAPTER ONE --- p.1. ; Chapter 1.1.-- --- The main theme ; Chapter 1.2. -- --- Theoretical background ; Chapter 1.2.1. -- --- The proper role of the state in the economy ; Chapter 1.2.2. -- --- Conception of the development state ; Chapter 1.2.3. -- --- Politics of defining the role of the state ; Chapter 1.2.4. -- --- The relative autonomy of the state ; Chapter 1.2.5. -- --- "The ISH Model-- Institutions, Strategic actions of agents, Historical contingencies" ; Chapter 1.2.6. -- --- The ISH Model and the economic dynamics in Hong Kong ; Chapter CHAPTER TWO --- p.22. ; Chapter 2 -- --- "Historical Background, Contingency and International Hurricane (from the mid of 1940s to the mid 1950s)" ; Chapter 2.1. -- --- Introduction ; Chapter 2.2. -- --- Historical background ; Chapter 2.3. -- --- Conflicts between China and the West (Korean War and Cold War) ; Chapter 2.4. -- --- Hong Kong's fluctuating economy and the colonial minimal government ; Chapter CHAPTER THREE --- p.44. ; Chapter 3. --- The Dynamics of the Process of Economic Restructuring and the Strategies of the Industrialists (1950s-60s) ; Chapter 3.1. -- --- Introduction ; Chapter 3.2. -- --- The path of economic restructuring ; Chapter 3.2.1. -- --- Profile of textiles industry ; Chapter 3.2.2.-- --- rofile of clothing industry ; Chapter 3.2.3. -- --- Profile of toys and plastic industry ; Chapter 3.3.-- --- Strategies of the Chinese industrialists ; Chapter CHAPTER FOUR --- p.62. ; Chapter 4. --- Hong Kong Government's Role and Selective Interventions in the Economy ; Chapter 4.1. -- --- Introduction ; Chapter 4.2. -- --- Monetary/fiscal policy with colonial bias ; Chapter 4.3. -- --- Housing policy ; Chapter 4.4. -- --- Investment and trade promotion ; Chapter 4.5. -- --- Land and infrastructure development ; Chapter 4.6. -- --- Influences on the prices and ...
So Ka Lok Carol. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-200). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Puzzle --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Questions and Major Thesis --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Layout of the Thesis --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Analytical Framework ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.2 --- State Feminism and the Stetson and Mazur Model --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Macro Movement Dynamics: Political Opportunities Structure --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Micro Movement Dynamics: Framing Political Opportunities --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Analytical Framework --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Methodological Orientations --- p.44 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Women's Policy Machineries in Hong Kong: A Historical and Structural Overview ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Paving the Road --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.3 --- "The Equal Opportunities Commission: The ""Equality"" Project" --- p.55 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- Appointment of Members: The Critical but Mysterious Process --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- EOC as Characterized by Investigation and Conciliation --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Women's Commission: The Umbrella Organization --- p.60 ; Chapter 3.4.1 --- Actions of WoC --- p.62 ; Chapter 3.4.2 --- Appointment of WoC Members --- p.63 ; Chapter 3.4.3 --- The Structure of WoC: Following the International Pace? --- p.64 ; Chapter 3.4.4 --- Relationship Between EOC and WoC --- p.66 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Struggling for a Seat: Participation in the Political Arena ; Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.69 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Gaining an Entrance --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- The Significance of Gaining an Entrance --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Obstacles in Entering the System --- p.81 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Collaborations and Participations with the System --- p.89 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Gender ...
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Papathanassiou, Illegitimate Children and Foster Children in the Eastern Alps: Research Directions and Perspectives This article deals with the history of illegitimate and foster children (usually also illegitimate) in the region of Eastern Alps (Austria) between the mid-18th and the early 20th centuries. During that period these childrens' number, though not stable, remained considerably high in absolute and relative terms. The paper discerns three basic trends in literature on the subject and comments on their results: a) Studies related to an international historical debate on bastardy in Europe and trying to explain impressive statistical data by pointing to social and economic factors, such as the domination of animal husbandry, the system of inheritance, the family system, labour organization and the so-called «agricultural revolution» in Europe. b) Studies on legislation, on official politics regarding single mothers and illegitimate or foster children, as well as studies on public institutions taking care of illegitimate children and their mothers from the second half of the 18th century on. Austrian law did not provide clearly for illegitimate children until the civil code was enacted in 1811 and only in 1919 a new law came into being regarding illegitimate and foster children together. c) Studies in a «history from below» direction, regarding people and their experiences but clearly not dominating the field in terms of numbers as well as analytical breadth. This essay suggests a more systematic approach in this last direction, particularly by comparing social groups, for example illegitimate children with peasant children, illegitimate children in rural with illegitimate children in urban environments, illegitimate foster children with other foster children in rural Austria, single mothers born and grown up as illegitimate children themselves with single mothers born and grown up as peasant daughters etc.
Wu, Ka Ming. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 155-163). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i-iii ; Table of Content --- p.iv-v ; Abbreviations --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction: Women and Poverty in Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Poor Women: Where and Who are They? ; Research Purpose and Questions ; Research Methodology ; Some Research Reflections ; Chapter Chapter Two --- "Engendering the Question of Poverty: Power in Economy, State and Discourse" --- p.14 ; Women and Development under Economic Globalization ; Working Daughters Getting Old: The Hong Kong Case ; Hong Kong in the International Political Economy ; Poor Women: The Opposition of Workers and Citizens ; Welfare Perspectives: Three Different Theoretical Streams ; The Political Economy of Welfare State ; Feminist Critique of Welfare State ; Poor Women and Welfare Services in Hong Kong ; The Genealogy of Modern Power: Foucault on Power and Discourse ; Discourse Analysis ; Ideology versus Truth ; The Power of Gaze ; The Welfare Cut: The Poor as Objects of State Intervention ; Power/ Knowledge ; Chapter Chapter Three --- poor Women as Product of Economic Development: Changing Role of Hong Kong in the Global Economy --- p.45 ; Changing Role of Hong Kong in the Global Economy ; Poor Women after Economic Restructuring ; Reproductive Work Positions: Sliding Ranks and Salaries ; No Jobs for Poor Mothers ; Working Poor Mothers: Reconciling Paid Work and Family Responsibility ; Familialism and the Incorporation of Women as Labor ; Capitalist Production of Familialism ; The Matron Workers in the 1970s vs the Disabled Women in the 1990s ; Entering the Information Age in the late 1990s: Poor Women and Development ; Conclusion ; Chapter Chapter Four --- "Women, Poverty and the Welfare System in Hong Kong " --- p.72 ; Concern of Hong Kong Social Policy ; The Myth of Lassie-faire in Social Welfare ; Productivity: Philosophy of Hong Kong Social Welfare ; Single Mothers as Study ...
by Chan Tsz Fai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 128-136). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.iii ; 撮要 --- p.v ; TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.vi ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.x ; Chapter CHAPTER I --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter CHAPTER II --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.6 ; Contemporary IJVs in China --- p.6 ; Prior Analysis of IJV Partnership and Performance --- p.9 ; Definition of JVs Partnership --- p.9 ; Performance --- p.10 ; Relationship between Partnership and Performance --- p.10 ; Japanese Investment in China --- p.12 ; IJVs Problem in China: A Global Perspective --- p.15 ; Cultural Differences --- p.16 ; Language Barrier --- p.18 ; Cross Cultural Negotiation Style --- p.19 ; Management Style --- p.20 ; Government Policies --- p.22 ; Disparate Management Style between Foreign-Chinese IJVs Partnership --- p.23 ; Chinese Enterprises with Foreign Exchange Shortages --- p.25 ; Lack of Strong Technology Base of Chinese Enterprises --- p.26 ; Inadequate Infrastructure Support --- p.31 ; Hong Kong Firms' Advantage in Interconnecting Economic and Socio-Cultural Systems between the East and the West --- p.35 ; The Role of Hong Kong Companies: the Source of Boosting the Competitive Advantage of Future Foreign-Chinese Joint Venture --- p.35 ; Intermediary Organization --- p.37 ; Hong Kong: as an Economic Center for Trade and Investment to China --- p.40 ; The Japan --- p.41 ; China --- p.42 ; "Opportunities, Geographical Location and Human Factors have Brought About Hong Kong's Unique Status and Role in China's Opening Up" --- p.42 ; "Similarity Between Hong Kong, China and The West (Japan)" --- p.43 ; Trade Policy --- p.43 ; Language --- p.44 ; Geographical Proximity --- p.44 ; Infrastructure --- p.45 ; "Similarity in Cultural Systems Between Hong Kong, China and the West" --- p.45 ; Why the Intermediary Organization Formed: The Theory of International Trade in Intermediary Services --- p.50 ; Decentralization and Intermediation --- ...
