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The foundation of international organizations has created the need to employ in their offices qualified persons who, with the time passing, were called international civil servants. The legal status of international civil servants, their place in the organization and the role played towards member countries, is the subject of the present work. The origin of international civil servants goes back to the 19th c. administrative unions but it was only the League of Nations which accepted this situation. Its full development took place, however, in the latter part of the 20th c., in the period of the so-called organizational revolution. International law and sometimes also the domestic law of the states define the rules of employing civil servants in the organizations. They formulate both the conditions which the candidate for the civil servant must fulfil and the types of his connections with the organization (Chpt. II). International civil servants enjoy the rights and appropriate duties (Chpts. Ill and IV). Their content and scope is the result of, first of all, the internal regulations of the organization, sometimes enriched by the rules of the law of the host state. The rights and duties of civil servants are accompanied by the privileges and immunities — facilities necessary to perform their duties in the organization (Chpt. V). The activities of civil servants may lead to conflicts with organization authorities. To protect their interests civil servants may make use of either administrative procedure stipulated in the inner law of the organization or submit the existing controversy to the competent judicial agency, i. e. administrative tribunal (Chpt. VI). The work closes with considerations on the independence of international civil servants towards the countries they are citizens of (Chpt. VII). And although the rule of independence of civil servants is confirmed by the statutes of particular organizations, still the activities of some countries are threat for this independence.

The aim of this work is to attempt to answer the following questions: what were the dominant tendencies in the years 1990—1994 in the declarations and actions purporting to construct a system of security in the post-Cold War Europe? What model of security was needed by the international community, and what was the direction of the international practice? Which model of international security suited better the strategic national security interests of the Visegrad Group states, and which model was actually favoured by the foreign policy of those states? In the years 1990—1994 there was a steadily growing discrepancy, among the states of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation, between the declared and the actually realised model of international security. As far as declarations are concerned, the majority of the politicians of the states of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation pointed to a system of collective security as the best possible model of European security in the post-Cold War era. In practice, various tendencies were gaining in strength that favoured the formation of a new balance of power. From the point view of the strategic security interests of Poland and other states of the Visegrad group, the tendencies to establish a new balance of power should be regarded as detrimental.

The author concentrates on the creative and codifying role of the state concerning certain genres of speech. Types of text generated by the state are called here 'state controlled genres'. It is a general term describing the genres which exist and function within the activity of the state – literary genres, journalism, public relations, admin-istration, law, political discourse, parliamentary debates. These genres fall outside descriptions of existing typologies. The following elements of state that influence the various genres of the text are taken into consideration: administration (parliament, state departments, offices; ex-amples: constitution, laws, expose, applications), diplomacy (international contacts: letters of credence, aide-memoires) and media (president, prime minister, ministers, members of parliament, spokesmen; examples: orations, proclamations, briefings, rectifications). State controlled genres are one of the elements of language (on the genetic level) which are essential for the identity of the contemporary homo politicus society.

This article concentrates on the basic problems respecting the "economic sovereignty" and "economic self-determination", and especially on the right to choose he economic system of a state, the permanent sovereignty over natural wealth and resources, the right to free disposal of natural wealth and resources and the problems of economic coercion. In the opinion of the present writer a delimitation should be drawn between he rights of states on the one hand, and the corresponding rights of peoples on he other. Such a delimitation must be based on the assumption that in international aw the concept of sovereignty is connected exclusively with the states, and the concept of self-determination exclusively with the peoples. According to that the right to choose the economic system and the permanent sovereignty over natural wealth and resources are fundamental rights of states flowing from their sovereignty The corresponding rights of peoples flowing from their right to selfdetermination, i.e. the right of every people to choose the economic system of its state and the right to free disposal of its natural wealth and resources,, are only complementary to those fundamental rights of states; they are strengthening the prohibition of foreign intervention which is inherent in sovereign equality of states. Ii is, however, possible that the exercise of "economic sovereignty" may contradict the right of a people to "economic self-determination, especially when the economic system does not conform to the wishes of a people or when a people is being deprived of its own means of subsistence. In such a case the question of foreign intervention arises in a different context. It can be taken for granted that the people's right to self-determination excludes the admissibility of foreign intervention by invitation of the government. On the other hand, it is certain that international law does not authorize any intervention in favour of the people's right to self-determination. The last section of the article is concerned with the problems of economic coercion. In the opinion of the present writer the prohibition of the use of economic measures of coercion still belongs to the sphere de lege ferenda. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

A politological analysis is presented in this book of the more than seventy year long period of US — Panama relations. Particular interest is devoted to the diplomatic and international law aspects, since in the author's opinion they are of paramount, fundamental significance. The main stream of these considerations is preceded (section 1) by a description of the circumstances governing the founding od Panama as an independent state. The author sees this as the resultant of a number of causes, both internal and also external, and hence not merely as a product of US policies. In section 2 is presented the initial state of bilateral relations, in particular the circumstances accompanying the signing of the Hay — Bunau-Varilla agreement, analysis of its clauses and also the legal and practical consequences of this agreement as the plane of the links between' Panama and the United States. Panama — US relations in the years from 1904—1964 are shown (section 3), analysing selected problems in a dynamic conception. Dealt with here are such problems as: guaranteeing independence and the policy of intervention, titular and eminents sovereignty military and economic questions and also matters concerning the conflict of 1964. It is the author's view that the situations analysed determine the principal lines of division and differences in the interests of the two sides, and also make it possible to discern — in a negative sense — future and desired foundations of these bilateral relations. Also comprehended in the field of interest is the question of the interpretation of the 1903 convention^ the evolution of Panama's attitude towards its principal terms and also certain legal modifications. The last two sections deal with the story of the negotiations lastingover many years and also the analysis of the currently binding agreements on the Panama Canal. Attention is drawn to the internal and international determinants governing the attitudes of the two sides. The author evaluates the new foundation of US — Panama relations in finding answers to the question: to what degree have the three groups of already historical controversies between the two sides been eliminated. These involve: 1) the legal and factual position of the Canal Zone; 2) the legal situation of the canal; 3) the rights held by USA extending over the whole Panamese relations results from the overcoming of a certain barrier, impossilbe to surmount in the earlier period, which determined the limiting (referring both to intentions and also to pacts negotiated) to modification of the Hay — Bunau-Varilla agreements without making any changes in its basic terms. In this sense the actual treaties are an incomparable qualitative state (chiefly due to annulling the clause on the permanence and titular sovereignty of Panama over the Canal Zone) that is achieveable due to the determination of the Torrijos government and also of the Carter administration. The present situation is of a clearly temporary character (up to 2000 AD). Although many anachronistic regulations have been annulled and in many cases conditions for cooperation have been created, intractable problems for the future are discernible. These result from the different interpretations by the two sides of the function of the Panama Canal. Panama aims to extract maximum direct and indirect advantages from the canal. As a small country its policy is to achieve demilitarisation and neutrality understood as the elimination of foreign bases and the obtaining of international guarantees safeguarding against external intervention. For the USA the economic question, although important (the advantages are rather indirect), does not play such a dominant role. Moreover, the canal itself has a strategic significance, the more so in view Of the lack of stability in Central America. From the aspect of Panamese rights further doubts are raised by the plans for building a canal at sea level. Among the varied problems to be confronted in the coming decade, these major items are most likely to govern US — Panama relations: the economic viability, of exploiting the canal, the method of implementing its strategic function and matters relating to the plans for building a new canal.

The Polish Slavophile concepts at the time of the Second World War were part and parcel of the general tendencies and suggestions based on the assumption that Poland's future, political power, and safety will be guaranteed through the tightening of its links with other states of the East-Central and Southern Europe. The said territories were predominantly inhabited by the Slavs, who found themselves in the war time under threat of losing the very foundations of their national and political existence, so it was, in a sense, natural that many theorists and publicists representing various political orientations saw the ethnic affinity of the Slavs as an important factor in bringing together the nations of Central Europe. This did not have to imoly any deep theoretical consequences, but, as in the past, the historical affinities, and the sense of an ethnic solidarity inspired the creation of political programmes and entire historical and philosophical systems based on the utopian conviction that the blood relationship and the cultural and linguistic links will enable the Slavs to unite politically, economically, and even spiritually and to form, together with some non-Slavonic but culturally close nations, akind of Central European community (a federation, a confederacy, a union, an empire etc.), which would also give some new quality to the dvilisational development of the whole international community. Such convictions, based on the myth of the Slavonic unity, could be found in the thought of all the main ideological and political currents of Poland's independence movement, apart from the socialists and the last remnants of Pilsudski's followers, and in many circles existing on the margins of the main political formations. Various political forces had their different, depending on their ideological colouring, models of the Slavonic community and saw differently its tasks, possibilities, and character. The political and military groupings which represented the nationalistic, or national Catholic, orientation, such as the "Secession" National Party, The National Armed Forces, the Confederacy of the Nation, saw the Slavonic ethnic unity as a chance to construct a Greater Poland, and multiply the power of the nation through links with other nations seen as "close in blood and spirit", i.e. mainly the West Slavonic ones. Similar conceptions could encountered among the Christian Democratic, or rather national-Catholic circles (such as the Union, or the Party of Labour) with the difference that they put more emphasis on the reconstruction by the civilisationally still immature Slavonic nations of "the ideals of liberty and Christian ethics", and of international and interpersonal relations based on the Christian morality. For the political forces representing the peasants' movement (the "Roch" Popular Party, the "Orka" Union of the peasants' Labour) the Slavonic idea was a natural completion of the concept of the union of the Saving nations of East-Central Europe, whose population was largely composed of peasants, on the basis of agrarianism. The theories about the dvilisational backwardness of the Slavs combined here with a fascination with the peasantry; and with the belief that the peasants, representing the healthiest, morally and spiritually, part of the nation, and being intimately linked to the soil, can understand better than others the ideals of freedom and democracy. The attitude of the democratic political forces, mainly the Democratic Party, to the Slavonic idea, was, on the other hand, usually devoid of elements of mysticism and exaltation; and might be called the most rational. In this case, the Slavonic community, based naturally on the linguistic and cultural affinities, was to be ideologically founded on the Slavs' understanding of the community of interests, especially with regard to the safety of the Central European region. In the case, however, of the Polish Workers', the Union of Polish Patriots in the USSR, and later the groupings connected with the National State Council, the Slavonic idea was understood as the safeguarding of Poland's interests and those of the other states of the region by means of an alliance and close co-operation with the Soviet Union and the Slavonic nations that inhabited it. It is worth emphasising that the Polish concepts of the Slavonic co-operation from the period of the Second World War only rarely postulated that the Slavonic nations should "merge" into one biological and spiritual whole. Instead, we have to do with proposals to form a more or less integrated confederate state or a union of states.

https://wuj.pl/ ; Tn der ersten Periode nach der Erschaffung des westdeutschen Staates ging die DGB von der Voraussetzung aus, dass viele für die Welt der Werktätigen wesentliche Probleme auf dem Wege der Machtübernahme durch die linken Parteien und der Einführung entsprechender Gesetzesregelungen gelöst werden könnten. Daher auch richteten sie ihre hauptsächlichsten Forderungen an die Adresse des Gesetzgebers. Jedoch die Machtübernahme durch bürgerliche Parteien sowie die Stärkung deren Position im Ergebnis der aufeinander folgenden Wahlen in das Bundesparlament bewirkte, dass eine Besserung der sozialen Existenzbedingungen der arbeitenden Massen grundsätzlich auf dem Wege von Tarifverträgen und Streikaktionen möglich wurde. Die ersten Massenstreiks von einem bedeutenden Ausmass wurden von der Gewerkschaft der IG-Metallindustrie im Jahre 1951 in Hessen, darauffolgend im Jahre 1954 in Bayern und an der Wende der Jahre 1956/57 in Schleswig-Holstein durchgeführt. Gefordert wurden vor allem höhere Löhne, eine Kürzung der Arbeitszeit, eine Erhöhung der Krankengelder sowie die Verlängerung der Zeitdauer ihrer Auszahlung, Gegen Ende der fünfziger und zu Beginn der sechziger Jahre kam es zu einer Umwertung der bisherigen programmatischen Voraussetzungen der Gewerkschaften sowie zu einer Änderung der Methoden und der Taktik ihrer Handlungsweise. Die bisher verkündeten Konzepte von marxistischen Umwandlungen des Systems wurden durch in der Praxis eines kapitalistischen Staates brauchbareren Voraussetzungen der Ökonomie von Keynes ersetzt. Das im Jahre 1963 als Ausdruck eines Kompromisses zwischen dem linken und dem rechten Flügel beschlossene fundamentale Program verkündete eine aktive Lohnpolitik und die Aufnahme anderei Schritte, deren Ziel die gerechte Teilung des gesellschaftlichen Produkts sein sollte. Diesen Bestrebungen widersetzten sich hauptsächlich Verbände der Arbeitgeber, die in einer Lohnsteigerung vor allem einen Faktor sahen, der die Investitionsmöglichkeiten der Unternehmer beschränkte, die Steigerung der Arbeitslosigkeit stimulierte, die Inflation antrieb. den ökonomischen Fortschritt und die Konkurrenzfähigkeit der deutschen Wirtschaft im internationalen Masstab schwächte und sogar hemmte. Dieser Standpunkt erhielt in der Regel Unterstützung durch die Staatsmacht, die mit Hilfe fiskaler Instrumente einen gestaltenden Einfluss auf den Inhalt der von den Gewerkschaften mit dem Verband der Arbeitgeber abgeschlossenen Tarifverträge haben konnte. Angesichts des Anwachsens und der Vertiefung der wirtschaftlichen Schwierigkeiten erwiesen sich diese Einflüsse als unzureichend. Nur rein fiskale Instrumente boten nämlich nicht solche Möglichkeiten der Wirtschaftssteuerung durch den Staat, die ihr Stabilisation und Entwicklung zusichern würden. Man begann daher nach neuen Formen einer Ingerenz in die Tarifbereiche zu suchen, die rechtlich die verfassungsmässig garantierte Autonomie der Gewerkschaften nicht beschränken würde. Mit dem Augenblick der Entstehung der Regierung der grossen Koalition, in der die durch das grosse und mittlere Kapital unterstützte CDU/CSU und die eine starke Unterstützung durch die Gewerkschaften besitzende SPD ihre Zusammenarbeit aufnahmen, wurde die Berufung einer Konzertierte Aktion möglich, als Ebene der Zusammenarbeit und Kopperation von Gewerkschaften. Arbeitgeberverbänden und der Regierung. Tatsächlich diente sie jedoch hauptsächlich der Regierung und den Arbeitgeberverbänden zur Ausübung eines Einflusses auf die Gewerkschaften mit dem Ziel, die sozialen und Lohnforderungen der werktätigen Massen zu beschränken und dank dem die geplanten Stabilisationsziele und einen Wirtschaftswachstum zu erreichen. Die über begründete Zeitrahmen hinaus verlängerte und diesen Zielen untergeordnete Politik der Selbstbeschränkung, die von der Leitung der DGB geführt wurde, rief spontane Proteste der Mitglieder der in ihr vereinten Organisationen hervor. Aus Furcht vor dem Zerreissen der Bande mit der Mitgliederbasis wurde die Leitung der DG3 zu einer Änderung dieser Politik gezwungen. Dagegen reagierten die Arbeitgeber öfter als in der Vergangenheit auf von Streiks unterstützte Forderungen der Gewerkschaften mit Aussperrungen. Die wachsende Spannung zwischen den Verbänden der Arbeitsgeber und den Gewerkschaften führte zu einem Austritt der letzteren aus der Konzertierte Aktion. Es wurden jedoch verschiedene andere Formen von Konsultationen und der Zusammenarbeit zwischen der Regierung, den Arbeitgebern und den Gewerkschaften beibehalten. In diesem Dreieck von gegenseitiger Abhängigkeit und Einflüssen mit dem Charakter von Rückkopplungen besitzen die Arbeitgeber eine vorherrschende Stellung. Jedoch vermochten die Gewerkschaften auf dem Wege von langjährigen Kämpfen. Zugeständnissen und Kompromissen trotzdem, wichtige Ergebnisse im Bereich einer Eesserung der Lohnbedingungen, Arbeitsverhältnissen sowie im Bereich sozialer Leistungen zu erlangen.

Immediately after the dicision of the Ambasador's Council of July 28, 1920,concerning the division of the Cieszyn Silesia, it became clear thet the said delimitation did not win the acceptance of any serious political forces in Poland. The Polish state's difficult international situation, however, made the Polish authorities abandon the idea of resolving the Zaolzie question by force. Fruitless negotiations were, at the same time, conducted to obtain the cossion of at least a part of the disputed territory in Poland's favour and various diplomatic interventions were undertaken to improve the situation of the Polish population inhabiting the Zaolzie Silesia. In spite of the low efficiency of such initiatives, in 1925 the political relation between Poland and Czechoslovakia were normalised and a liquidation agreement was signed, which led to a normalisation of mutual relations in the divided area. The actions of the Polish Republic in relation to the Zaolzie were influenced by various factors that were difficult to harmonise. One of them was the necessity to subjugate the Zaolzie question to the atate's general interests, which included an acceptance of the Versailles status quo, and attempts to find a platform of co-operation with Czechoslovakia in view of the growing German threat. Another factor was the desire to maintain the Polish national character of the Zaolzie motivated by the reluctance to give up that territory in an unequivocal way. The expectation of a cooperation with Czechoslovakia in the international context led to the policy of letting bygones be bygones. The democratic nature of the Chechoslovak state afforded a possibility of making the defence of the Polish national rights the responsibility of the Polish deputies in the parliament in Prague. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs tried then to persuade the leaders of the Polish community in the Zaolzie to assume a more activistic attitude. At the same time, the Polish Consul in Moravska Ostrava supported financially the institutions of the Polish national life nad tried to resist the assimilating policy of the Czech authorities. This tactics brought, up to a point, some results, but it did not prevent all attempts at an assimilation on the part of influential Czech organisations and bussiness circles, neither did it safeguard the conditions of the national life in the Zaolzie so as to obviate the need for the steady flow of the Polish financial aid without which the Polish educational and cultural institutions would not survive. In the late 1920s and early 1930s a rapprochement between Warsaw and Prague seemed to substantiate the hopes for a betterment of the situation of the Poles in the Zaolzie. In the wake of such hopes there appeared Polish-Czechoslovak societies and Czechoslovak-Polish clubs. These clubs reised high expectations in the consular centre in Moravska Ostrava, which hoped that they would help to break down the barriers between the Polish and Czech population and to obtain the support of influential Czech circles for the postulates of the Polish minority. The most committed members of the clubs (just like all, with no exceptions, Polish cosuits in Moravska Ostrava) were treated, however, with great suspicion and aversion by the Czech nationalist circles, as well as by the personalities representing the views of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The most far-reaching initiative, that is the idea of calling a reconciliation conference concerning the matters of the Cieszyn Silesia in 1932, ended in a fiasco. Such factors as the way the 1930 sensus was carried out, the obvious deterioration of the living standards at the time of the Great Depression, and the attitude of the persons responsible for the Czech foreign policy who insisted on all Polish citizens leaving Czechoslovakia before "equitable" negotiations with Poland could begin, signalled the end of the period in which a positive and active conduct of the Polish population could seem an efficient antidote to the growing pressure for assimilation. The political events of 1933 changed the perception of the chances for a cooperation between Poland and Czechoslovakia, both of them being situated between Germany and the Soviet Union, which, in early 1934, made the representatives of the Polish Republic change their policy in the Zaolzie. From then, on the support of the Polish authorities and society for the Polish minority was emphasised, also a pressure was being exerted on the Czechoslovak government by means of an organised press campaign in Poland. The Czechoslovak government, however, did not yield under pressure, and assumed an intransigent attitude, taking this opportunity to get rid of a certain number of the Poles in the Zaolzie. The assimilation of the local Poles both of a natural kind and enforced by political and economic pressure seemed to the Czech authorities to be the best way to pacify this important borderline region. The tactics to which the Polish side resorted did not then lead to an improvement of the situation of the ethnic Poles in Czechoslovakia, it had, however, a different result, namely it aroused the national feelings and kindled the hopes for the Polish state's stronger support for the minority aspirations. In Poland, on the other hand, the internal situation in Poland's southern neighbour state, beginning with the elections of 1935, started to be looked at from the perspective of the apparently imminent crisis. In view of this, while the idea of an intensive propaganda camping was abandoned, the Czech policy in relation to the ethnic minorities was carefully watched, and the internal integration of the Polish community in the Zaolzie was strongly supported.

OIL RESERCHES ON THE SOUTHERN BALTIC AREA AND PROTECTION OF NATURAL ENVIRONMENT Summary The paper deals with prospects of search for hydrocarbons in the South Baltic Sea and measures taken against possibility of natural environment pollution. Up to date, on the East European Platform, the best results have been achieved in the Soviet Baltic Republics where 25 oil deposits have been discovered. The main productive horizons belong to Middle Cambrian, only few are of Ordovician origin and none has been found neither in the Silurian nor in the Upper Palaeozoic and Mesozoic which are considered non productive. The are few small oil deposits discovered in Gotland, and a Middle Cambrian oil deposit of Dembki – Żarnowiec located in the Łeba (Uplift) in Poland. On the Epicaledonian Central European Platform, there are many onshore oil and gas deposits in Poland, GDR and FRG. The gas deposits were discovered in Lower and Upper Carboniferous and Rotliegendes when oil deposits were found in Zechstein Main Dolomite. Since 1975 "Petrobaltic" has been searching for oil and gas in the Polish, GDR and Soviet sectors of the Baltic Sea. The search resulted in discoveries of a few oil and gas deposits in the Middle Cambrian sediments. The reserves of those deposits are estimated as over 20 million tons. There is no success yet in searching for oil and gas in the western part of the Baltic Sea on the Epicaledonian Platform. According to the recent seismic and geologic results, the majority of prospective structures in the Baltic Sea is explored already, and in Author's opinion, the remaining ones are of similar or even inferior quality. Therefore, before the next step of exploration will be taken, it is necessary to comprehensive analysis of all economic, geologic and naturalistic factors. According to the resolution of the International Convention held in Helsinki (1974), the natural environment of the Baltic Sea should be strictly protected by all Baltic States. This resolution imposes compulsory ventures to the offshore exploration, especially against possibility of sea, bottom and shore pollution when drilling and testing wells on discovered deposits. The regulations valid for the offshore exploration are met by construction of the "Petrobaltic" drilling platform. The well is protected by cemented pipe columns with special high pressure valves and anti-explosion preventers; mud circulation and wastes are hermetically closed in special system consisting of pipes, filters, separators and tanks. Those devices despite of its high quality, do not exclude the possibility of uncontrolled eruption and spilling of oil and gas. This was the reason why the Soviet Union government in 1986 gave up the exploitation of offshore oil deposit discovered near Kuronian Sand-Bar with its unique Natural Park.