The author considers the three definite articles of Kant's text Towards the Perpetual Peace -- their inner logic & interdependence. Peace in the world can only be achieved if the constitution is republican, if the relations among the states are based on federalness, & if the right of the citizen of the world is secured. The author highlights the importance & the novelty of the right that belongs to a person as a citizen of the world, not just of a particular state. 1 Reference. Adapted from the source document.
For the political principle defining the political will of fascism, survival of a national state (regardless of whether it already exists or is to be formed; in the latter case, this gives legitimacy to antagonism) is sufficient reason for the unconditional imperative of political activity. The concept of the state underlying the political activity of fascism is solely an empirical notion or a sensory concept of community. Another more paramount reason is transcendental, unfeasible, as it were. According to the same nation-building principle, another nation, within & without a particular state, is a priori suspicious, since it must be striving to create its own state by encroaching on another nation's state. Thus, this fascist political principle, which wants to turn this nationalist maxim into a constitutive principle, cannot ensure either internal (ie, a state) or external peace & perishes in a civil or world war. For antifascist activity, however, it is not central whether it takes place in this or that state. The basis of antifascism is the concept of the state that, in its most positive & purest form, came to the fore in bourgeois political thought. In it, the central concept of the state, considering the rationale for the existence of a state, is clean-cut & thus, general, although a possible historical existence of a state is empirical & particular. The fundamental motive of antifascism is not national & patriotic but primarily moral & political, & possibly (derivatively) patriotic. Which state deserves to exist is determined by external social conditions for the realization of the concept of freedom. This makes room for the formation of broader multinational unions, even federal states. The world federation is a bourgeois political ideal, whose realization represents the ultimate purpose of world history. Adapted from the source document.
Since its initiation, the European Community has been facing the same problem -- nationalism on the level of state interests. This problem has prevented the establishment of the Community's political system, endangered the efficiency of its legal system, & reduced the effectiveness of its economic system. In the absence of a political system of its own, the regulatory process in the Community depends almost completely on the national interests of the member states. Consequently, every addition of new states to the Community manifests itself also as a struggle for potential new allies. Croatia therefore faces two interconnected tasks: to achieve the consensus of the member states necessary for the signing of the association contract & to secure the satisfaction of its national interests while not affecting the balance of their interests. Adapted from the source document.
Changes in the European Community will have far-reaching consequences for Croatia's relations with this association. The basic preoccupation of the European Community is to establish order within its own ranks in the context of the European Union Contract. It is therefore unrealistic to expect Croatia to become a full member of this association, at least in the next ten years. There are, however, numerous ways of adaptation to the requirements of the market that the European Community fosters within the relationships among its own members; Croatia ought systematically to apply these while introducing changes into its economic system. Adapted from the source document.
There have been a number of philosophical, legal, & political concepts dealing with the issue of peace. The most famous discourse on the topic of peace is undoubtedly Kant's writing on "perpetual peace," not only for the cogency of its ideas but also for the applicability of the majority of them in practice, particularly in terms of collective security. Kant's starting point was that peace is a rational & moral imperative of human nature, realized solely through human efforts. Though written 200 years ago, his ideas have found acolytes in the post-Cold War period since they are, to a large extent, considered as emancipatory. Kant finds the guarantees for the realization of peace in the moral doctrine & thus rejects the use of force in the creation of peace. Relations among states are based on cooperation, not competition, so that some elements of his project are reminiscent of the solutions applied in the system of collective security. The author looks into the viability of Kant's ideas in the post-Cold War period. Adapted from the source document.
At a few places in his Philosophy of Right, Hegel directly addresses the discussion with his famous predecessor, Immanual Kant. These places indicate very clearly the distinction between the two philosophical standpoints. This article focuses on Hegel's criticism of Kant's views on peace & international law. For two reasons however, it starts with Hegel's rejection of Kant's moral point of view. First, this criticism is presupposed in Hegel's rejection of Kant's view on politics. Second, at least a partial return to Kantian morality is implied in Hegel's statement that war, although not to be condemned categorically, must be limited both quantitatively & qualitatively. Adapted from the source document.
The author claims that all major efforts concerning European security have always been linked with the end of a war. Thus the end of the Cold War has been marked with the expansion of NATO & an attempt to create a new security. By analyzing the political scope of the expansion, the military & strategic framework, the Russian reactions, & the economic significance, the author comes to the conclusion that the expansion is not conducive to the establishment of an integral system of European security. The purpose of this development by Clinton's team was primarily to outline the new European borders (the key aspect of Clinton's foreign policy) &, in the future, to create the conditions for further expansion & admittance of new members. Only in the remote future, through constant expansion & links with other European organizations, could NATO become the central system of European security. Adapted from the source document.
The Republic of Slovenia, having obtained independence & sovereignty in the June-July war of 1991, launched an intensive build-up of its system of national security. As guidelines, it used the experiences of other states, its own historical experience, & the attitudes of the public & political parties. The analysis of Slovenian national security shows that the threats to it come in the forms of military threats, internal threats, & the threat to the living space. This was the reason that the system of national security was outlined as including the defense system, the security system, & the system of protection & preservation. Though encountering momentous problems in the build-up of the system of national security (particularly its military aspect), Slovenia made major shifts to embrace NATO standards. However, its efforts were not enough, & Slovenia was not among the countries admitted to this organization in the first wave -- Poland, the Czech Republic, & Hungary. 5 Tables, 1 Diagram, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.
A rebuttal to V. Vujacic's theses on the Balkan conflict presented in the contribution "Povijesno naslijed, nacionalisticka mobilizacija i politicke posljedice u Rusiji i Srbiji" (Historical Legacy, Nationalistic Mobilization and the Political Consequences in Russia and Serbia) The following arguments are made counter to Vujacic's theses: (1) There never was, & there is not now, any democratic opposition in Serbia; the opposition against Milosevic had nothing to do with democracy & everything to do with the disappointment that followed from the Serbian leader's failure to deliver on his promise of Greater Serbia. (2) To call the Balkan conflict a civil war is a euphemism attempting to blame equally every nation involved, while taking the responsibility for the conflict from militant Serbian politicians embarking on a bloody crusade for Greater Serbia. (3) The Croat army did not destroy Mostar but defended the town from Serbian invasion. (4) It is not true that the Serbian minority was & is persecuted in Croatia. (5) It is a complete rewriting of history postulating that Croatian nationalistic mobilization was equally responsible for the Balkan war as Serbian nationalistic mobilization. (6) It is a complete fallacy to argue that Serbian nationalism did not evolve from itself but was only a reaction to the mistreatment of Serbs by peripheral ethnic minorities during the Yugoslavia state. Z. Dubiel
The article analyzes the changed concept of security in the post-Cold War era, its importance for the international community as a whole, & its basic values. Special attention is given to the indivisibility & mutual conditions of the security problem, democracy, & markets. The research approach is multidisciplinary & aimed at an analysis of the war against Croatia within the context of the post-Cold War era & its associated obstacles to reaching peace & stability. The roots, causes, & inducements to conflict are determined & the assumptions for peace & stability in the region are researched. Starting with the case of Croatia & the consequences of international crisis caused by aggressive Serbian policy of expansion, the author offers a suggestion for a new security concept -- the concept of metasecurity -- for the era after the Cold War. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.
Since WWII, there have been opposing views of the role & the importance of the state in international affairs. Some think that the importance of the state is slowly decreasing, since the increasing interdependence of the world has an enormous influence on both the internal & foreign policies of a state. On the other hand, some point out that the state has not lost any of its importance; on the contrary, this importance will only be enhanced since the world community has not yet come up with a model to replace sovereign state entities. States generate the structure that has a significant influence on individual & group security. This particularly applies to the post-Cold-War period, since the problems & threats of the present-day world -- economic collapse, political oppression, poverty, ethnic conflicts, uncontrolled population boom, nature degradation, terrorism, crime, & disease -- directly affect many other elements of security. It is these problems that turn our attention to the state as the most important institution of the contemporary world, since it still has at its disposal the resources for reducing or eliminating these threats. Adapted from the source document.
Germany's security dilemma is to fulfill the larger role in Europe & global security that is expected after reunification, while not rekindling a sense of threat, particularly among neighbors to the East. Opinion surveys of Germans & Central/East Europeans reveal substantial difficulties if Germany were to become more assertive. Changes in German behavior & constitutional interpretation suggest a maturation or "normalization" of German foreign policy. Thus far, these changes have emphasized traditional forms of diplomacy & alliance behavior focused on using the enlarged capacities of a reunited Germany that more directly pursue German interests. Alternative ways by which to perform a larger security role are discussed, particularly in light of data regarding the mutual perceptions of Germans among neighboring peoples & leaders. Adapted from the source document.
