Suchergebnisse

Der Band enthält die Ergebnisse eines internationalen Workshops der ARL mit dem internationalen Beirat zur Inselentwicklung am Ökonomischen Institut der Universität Zagreb und mit dem Inselentwicklungszentrum Mali Losinj im Mai 1994 auf der kroatischen Insel Cres. Fachleute aus Kroatien stellen die Ergebnisse einer aktuellen Entwicklungsstudie für die kroatischen Adria-Inseln vor. Es geht dabei um touristische, ökologische, wirtschaftliche, kulturlandschaftliche und allgemein raumplanerische Fragen. Darüber hinaus wird über Erfahrungen aus den Regionen der deutschen Nord- und Ostseeküste, d.h. zur Entwicklung der Inseln in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Niedersachsen und Schleswig-Holstein berichtet. Die Beiträge dieses Bandes sind jeweils in deutscher und kroatischer Sprache abgedruckt.

Kant's concept of "perpetual peace" is the cornerstone of the rational human right that, in the form of international law, bears upon all states. However, the prerequisite for enduring international legal security & peace is that the internal affairs of states are based on constitutional & republican principles. Although Kant is clearly aware of the antinomies & paradoxes of a world league of states, he nevertheless postulates the ideal of a world league of republican states, since it corresponds to the general striving of nature & moral consciousness; such a league would guarantee a relatively peaceful coexistence among the states, based on international legal precepts. Hegel has often (& wrongfully) been accused of being an apologist of war; in fact, he only realized (having in mind the realities of sovereign national states) the inevitability of multilateral conflicts -- including military ones. His disproval of Kant's ideal of a league of states is based on his disbelief in the feasibility of supranational law, which should be superior to the absolute sovereignty of the state & keep an eye on & contain its partial interests. Adapted from the source document.

Mediterranean cooperation is addressed in the context of the creation of the Euromediterranean zone. The European Union has been developing various modes of cooperation with non-member Mediterranean countries by signing association agreements or cooperation agreements. The new European states, created after the disintegration of former socialist federations, demonstrate an interest in Mediterranean cooperation, though they tend to have different attitudes toward it. Their interest is based solely on the fact that Mediterranean cooperation has not been standardized & that it has a poorly developed institutional framework. This enables these countries to join in from time to time, when it suits their purposes. Regarding the role of the new states, the author distinguishes between two types of cooperation: (1) autonomous regional cooperation, which is not beneficial for the new states (eg, the Balkan states); & (2) occasional, specialized, dispersed cooperation, which might attract the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Adapted from the source document.

Commenting on the article by R. Badinter (1996, this issue), the author contends that experts in international law are not broad-minded regarding the establishment of a state. Most legal experts take for granted the statements of the international judiciary on the existence of certain rules of general international law & consider them validated & indisputable. This fiction has been given support by states, since they uphold only those legal statements that suit their interests. The author analyses the Opinions of the Arbitration Committee on the process of the disintegration & the Criteria for the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia as well as the criteria for the creation of the new states. He considers this precedent as central for international judiciary law. Adapted from the source document.

In accordance with his practical philosophy, which views the essence of morality & right as "ought to" (Sollen), Kant deduces his notion of perpetual peace as the paragon of the relationship among rulers & states. Hegel's criticism of this view in his Philosophy of Law points to its three major flaws. The first is the very nature of the international legal system, which operates among independent states & whose sanctions do not provide a supra-sovereignty of a pan-international state. Further, treaties & agreements among states have no praetor & do not exclude war as "the natural state" among them. Finally, there is no universal international will, but only particular wills of individual states, which hardly achieve a consensus on war & peace. As a postulate of practical reason, perpetual peace remains a sheer ideal. Adapted from the source document.

In the wake of the 'Kant revival,' which has spawned a plethora of works on his philosophy by its contemporary interpreters & advocates such as Herbert Schnadelbach, Hans Lenk, Konrad Cramer, Wilhelm Vossenkuhl, Volker Gerhardt, Karl-Otto Apel, Otfried Hoffe & others (whose studies were published this year under the title of Kant in der Diskussion der Moderne), the author tries to prove, by means of an analysis of Kant's treatise Uber den Gemeinspruch: Das mag in der Theorie richtig sein, taugt aber nicht fur die Praxis, that not only did Kant in his later works draft & expound the program of a practical philosophy of morality & right, politics, & history, but also that in the last three chapters of this work, this philosophy evolves into a modern liberal theory of morality, state law, & international or "international civil" law built around the central principle of Kant's practical philosophy: "Was aus Vernunftgrunden fur die Theorie gilt, das gilt auch fur die Praxis.". Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the structure of Stjepan Radic's ideological attitudes, based on an unpublished text -- a letter to the leadership of the Peasants' International -- which served as an overture to the possible membership of HRSS in that procommunist international organization. The paper also includes the original text by Radic. The author claims that the increased interest of the Communist International for winning over HRSS was in the function of a gradual breakup of the unity of interests of the Croatian people & curtailment of the influence of HRSS ideology & policies. The strategic aim of the Communist International was the bolshevization of the Balkans & the Danubian region, for which it advocated the disbandment of the South Slavonic federation & the creation of a Balkan or Balkan-Danubian federation of the Soviet Socialist Republics, including the Soviet Republic of Croatia. The central part of the text is devoted to the analysis of Stjepan Radic's ideological attitudes. He upheld the unity of interests of the Croatian people under the leadership of peasants & the principle of an independent & nationally sovereign state of the Croatian people, & he was in favor of a confederal relationship of Croatia with Serbia & other South Slavonic states. The Peasants' International was only a tactical move exacted by the existing relationships in the South Slavonic monarchy & Europe in general. Adapted from the source document.

The dissolution of the great Soviet empire & the demise of the socialist system in the Soviet Union & Eastern Europe has undoubtedly been one of the most significant political developments at the turn of the 20th century. Whether this was brought about by international factors or by the internal cave-in of the system has been the subject of numerous & extensive analyses. It is obvious that the geostrategic shifts & the completely altered position of the new state (the Russian Federation) have made it necessary to look into the political aspects of the problem. That Russia is not faced with an imminent threat from abroad is certainly an extraordinary change, unprecedented in the long Russian history. This particularly applies to the western Russian borders, which used to be almost continually threatened. Political relations that have been developing between Russia & the West, despite all the obstacles, have been improving, & both sides demonstrate a willingness to continue with this trend. Adapted from the source document.

The author considers the three definite articles of Kant's text Towards the Perpetual Peace -- their inner logic & interdependence. Peace in the world can only be achieved if the constitution is republican, if the relations among the states are based on federalness, & if the right of the citizen of the world is secured. The author highlights the importance & the novelty of the right that belongs to a person as a citizen of the world, not just of a particular state. 1 Reference. Adapted from the source document.

There have been a number of philosophical, legal, & political concepts dealing with the issue of peace. The most famous discourse on the topic of peace is undoubtedly Kant's writing on "perpetual peace," not only for the cogency of its ideas but also for the applicability of the majority of them in practice, particularly in terms of collective security. Kant's starting point was that peace is a rational & moral imperative of human nature, realized solely through human efforts. Though written 200 years ago, his ideas have found acolytes in the post-Cold War period since they are, to a large extent, considered as emancipatory. Kant finds the guarantees for the realization of peace in the moral doctrine & thus rejects the use of force in the creation of peace. Relations among states are based on cooperation, not competition, so that some elements of his project are reminiscent of the solutions applied in the system of collective security. The author looks into the viability of Kant's ideas in the post-Cold War period. Adapted from the source document.

At a few places in his Philosophy of Right, Hegel directly addresses the discussion with his famous predecessor, Immanual Kant. These places indicate very clearly the distinction between the two philosophical standpoints. This article focuses on Hegel's criticism of Kant's views on peace & international law. For two reasons however, it starts with Hegel's rejection of Kant's moral point of view. First, this criticism is presupposed in Hegel's rejection of Kant's view on politics. Second, at least a partial return to Kantian morality is implied in Hegel's statement that war, although not to be condemned categorically, must be limited both quantitatively & qualitatively. Adapted from the source document.