Suchergebnisse

International audience ; In order to valorise the territorial resources of the Grenoble metropolitan area (industrial tradition, entrepreneurship, synergies between research and industry.), the scientific community has progressively formed a technological cluster over the 20th century. This cluster has been at the origin of the area's main transformations at the local level (from magnetism to nuclear, from nuclear to electronic and computer fabrication, from computer fabrication to software and nanotechnologies.). This technological cluster is very often analysed as a local development growth engine although it represents only a third of the area's jobs and generates a quarter of its income. The will to building a city of innovation has led local stakeholders to imagine new relationships between the technological cluster and the urban society and to integrate the technopolitan project in a territorial strategy aimed at enhancing quality of life and habitability. ; Il dinamismo dello sviluppo dei "sistemi locali dell'alta tecnologia" dipende dall'interazione tra due serie di fattori che possono essere definiti come fattori di contesto e fattori di agenzia. Un altro tipo di approccio porta ad analizzare le relazioni tra il "sistema locale dell'alta tecnologia" - il termine è ancora da definire - e la società urbana in cui s'inserisce. La strutturazione della società urbana è il risultato di un processo storico di lunga (e corta) durata, un processo che crea, in ogni città (o piuttosto in ogni regione metropolitana) un contesto territoriale specifico che può essere definito come un'articolazione di risorse ambientali, umane, culturali, economiche, sociali e politiche. Questo contesto territoriale appare come un insieme di potenzialità (e di vincoli), che possono essere o non essere valorizzate (superati) dagli attori locali. Il "sistema locale di alta tecnologia" può essere percepito come un sistema di attori che, nel corso della storia, è all'origine di iniziative indirizzate ad attuare le potenzialità locali. La ricerca recente ha proposto numerosi concetti, come quelli di "milieu innovateur", di distretto tecnologico o di cluster, per caratterizzare tale sistema. Questa premessa analitica sarà utilizzata per descrivere il processo di trasformazione di una città industriale in uno dei principali poli scientifici e tecnologici di livello europeo. All'inizio del novecento, Grenoble, con meno di cento mila abitanti, è una città interclusa nelle Alpi con una specializzazione industriale. In un secolo, ha conosciuto delle riconversioni economiche, sino a diventare un centro di rilevo per l'elettronica, l'informatica, il software e le nanotecnologie.

Immediately after the dicision of the Ambasador's Council of July 28, 1920,concerning the division of the Cieszyn Silesia, it became clear thet the said delimitation did not win the acceptance of any serious political forces in Poland. The Polish state's difficult international situation, however, made the Polish authorities abandon the idea of resolving the Zaolzie question by force. Fruitless negotiations were, at the same time, conducted to obtain the cossion of at least a part of the disputed territory in Poland's favour and various diplomatic interventions were undertaken to improve the situation of the Polish population inhabiting the Zaolzie Silesia. In spite of the low efficiency of such initiatives, in 1925 the political relation between Poland and Czechoslovakia were normalised and a liquidation agreement was signed, which led to a normalisation of mutual relations in the divided area. The actions of the Polish Republic in relation to the Zaolzie were influenced by various factors that were difficult to harmonise. One of them was the necessity to subjugate the Zaolzie question to the atate's general interests, which included an acceptance of the Versailles status quo, and attempts to find a platform of co-operation with Czechoslovakia in view of the growing German threat. Another factor was the desire to maintain the Polish national character of the Zaolzie motivated by the reluctance to give up that territory in an unequivocal way. The expectation of a cooperation with Czechoslovakia in the international context led to the policy of letting bygones be bygones. The democratic nature of the Chechoslovak state afforded a possibility of making the defence of the Polish national rights the responsibility of the Polish deputies in the parliament in Prague. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs tried then to persuade the leaders of the Polish community in the Zaolzie to assume a more activistic attitude. At the same time, the Polish Consul in Moravska Ostrava supported financially the institutions of the Polish national life nad tried to resist the assimilating policy of the Czech authorities. This tactics brought, up to a point, some results, but it did not prevent all attempts at an assimilation on the part of influential Czech organisations and bussiness circles, neither did it safeguard the conditions of the national life in the Zaolzie so as to obviate the need for the steady flow of the Polish financial aid without which the Polish educational and cultural institutions would not survive. In the late 1920s and early 1930s a rapprochement between Warsaw and Prague seemed to substantiate the hopes for a betterment of the situation of the Poles in the Zaolzie. In the wake of such hopes there appeared Polish-Czechoslovak societies and Czechoslovak-Polish clubs. These clubs reised high expectations in the consular centre in Moravska Ostrava, which hoped that they would help to break down the barriers between the Polish and Czech population and to obtain the support of influential Czech circles for the postulates of the Polish minority. The most committed members of the clubs (just like all, with no exceptions, Polish cosuits in Moravska Ostrava) were treated, however, with great suspicion and aversion by the Czech nationalist circles, as well as by the personalities representing the views of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The most far-reaching initiative, that is the idea of calling a reconciliation conference concerning the matters of the Cieszyn Silesia in 1932, ended in a fiasco. Such factors as the way the 1930 sensus was carried out, the obvious deterioration of the living standards at the time of the Great Depression, and the attitude of the persons responsible for the Czech foreign policy who insisted on all Polish citizens leaving Czechoslovakia before "equitable" negotiations with Poland could begin, signalled the end of the period in which a positive and active conduct of the Polish population could seem an efficient antidote to the growing pressure for assimilation. The political events of 1933 changed the perception of the chances for a cooperation between Poland and Czechoslovakia, both of them being situated between Germany and the Soviet Union, which, in early 1934, made the representatives of the Polish Republic change their policy in the Zaolzie. From then, on the support of the Polish authorities and society for the Polish minority was emphasised, also a pressure was being exerted on the Czechoslovak government by means of an organised press campaign in Poland. The Czechoslovak government, however, did not yield under pressure, and assumed an intransigent attitude, taking this opportunity to get rid of a certain number of the Poles in the Zaolzie. The assimilation of the local Poles both of a natural kind and enforced by political and economic pressure seemed to the Czech authorities to be the best way to pacify this important borderline region. The tactics to which the Polish side resorted did not then lead to an improvement of the situation of the ethnic Poles in Czechoslovakia, it had, however, a different result, namely it aroused the national feelings and kindled the hopes for the Polish state's stronger support for the minority aspirations. In Poland, on the other hand, the internal situation in Poland's southern neighbour state, beginning with the elections of 1935, started to be looked at from the perspective of the apparently imminent crisis. In view of this, while the idea of an intensive propaganda camping was abandoned, the Czech policy in relation to the ethnic minorities was carefully watched, and the internal integration of the Polish community in the Zaolzie was strongly supported.

En posant cette question, chacun pense trouver d'abord des réponses dans le célèbre article "Mourir pour la patrie" rédigé en anglais en 1951 par Ernst Kantorowicz. Il faut reconnaître que c'est en grande partie sur ou en réaction contre les bases conceptuelles et terminologiques jetées par l'auteur de "Frédéric II" que la recherche allemande a poursuivi ses interrogations, appliquées d'ailleurs tant à l'Empire qu'au royaume de France, quant au contenu, à l'évolution, à l'emploi et aux déformations que ce mot a connus dans les Etats et territoires de l'Occcident médiéval. Evolution suivie depuis le rappel de son sens gréco-romain, puis sa redéfinition à la faveur du grand rassemblement carolingien pour aboutir enfin à des variations sémantiques et symboliques imputables en partie aux constructions politiques et idéologiques différenciées qu'ont engagées souverains de France et rois allemands. A considérer l'ensemble des travaux récemment produits sur le sujet, on peut constater dans un premier temps que l'étude du terme et de sa fonction politique suit à peu près parallèlement celle de la natio, en ce sens que l'historien se trouve confronté à un choix entre une théorie de la continuité ou un processus transcendant. Afin de baliser le débat, nous partirons de quelques réflexions inspirées par l'observation du terme en aval, c'est-à-dire au Moyen Age tardif, particulièrement à partir de la "Vita" de l'empereur Charles IV et de l'acception que des humanistes ont pu donner au mot. On constatera que la patria garde alors tout son ambivalence, sa charge émotionnelle, hésite entre l'espace et le sacré et attire à lui tant l'origine que la naissance, tant la langue que le destin commun. Cette constatation impose de remettre à plat dans un premier temps les grandes lignes de la pensée kantorowiczienne: naissance de l'Etat par la perpétuité, pouvoir charismatique du souverain, dilatation faite de translation et d'imitation du "public" par une émotionnalisation, une mystique et une sacralisation de ses attributs, production intellectuelle d'une théologie politique. A partir de cet ensemble, la thèse de Thomas Eichenberger, marquante à plus d'un titre ("Patria. Studien zur Bedeutung des Wortes im Mittelalter (6-12 Jahrhundert)", 1991), sera examinée et discutée. Elle observe, comme Kantorowicz le fit en son temps, les mécanismes et les implications d'une "descente sur terre" de la patrie céleste et chrétienne et plonge en quelque sorte la notion dans le bain royal, princier et territorial d'un Occident recomposé par l'Empire carolingien et son morcellement, c'est-à-dire confronte la notion aux imperatifs et limites des regna, des gentes et de l'imperium. En prenant appui sur ses conclusions, nous montrerons qu'il faut sur certains points approfondir une de ses hypothèses qui tient à la constatation selon laquelle, contre toute attente, le mot n'a pas été relégué dans un sens archéologique, voire archaïque, ou en tout état de cause carolingien et tout au plus "prénational", mais s'est enrichi de telle manière qu'il continue à demeurer d'une grande actualité au XIIIe siècle et à constituer un facteur créateur d'ordre spatial et mental. De ce point de vue, les acquis de la recherche allemande concernant le royaume capétien seront d'un grand secours. Nous les synthétiserons à l'aide de l'étude fondamentale consacrée par Bernd Schneidmüller au "Nomen Patriae. Die Entstehung Frankreichs in der politisch-geographischen Terminologie (10-13 Jahrhundert)" (1987). Etudiant le processus qui conduit en France à une synthèse progressive entre Patria, Gallia, Francia et Rex, constellation achevée au moment où la réception du droit romain enrichit les doctrines de la souveraineté, l'auteur jette par comparaison un regard sur l'Empire dont l'évolution atteste au contraire que les principautés constituèrent le meilleur refuge à la patria investie d'un sens géographique, souverain et symbolique adéquat, principautés constituant, au terme de l'acte fondateur de la Bulle d'Or de 1356, le rempart le plus sûr de la "nation" allemande. En évoquant les prolongements possibles d'une étude de la notion de patria, particulièrement en direction de son écho dans l'historiographie médiévale, de sa contribution à une histoire des préjugés, de son lien possible, pensable et même nécessaire avec la problématique de la memoria ainsi que de sa contribution à une histoire renouvelée des relations internationales au Moyen Age (mais aussi des frontières.) ; nous conclurons provisoirement sur l'apport de l'étude de la notion de patria à l'histoire politique en général et à l'observation des liens sociaux en particulier. Car il convient de souligner la nécessité d'une prise en compte des groupes sociaux impliqués dans son emploi tant il est vrai que des identités politiques rapportées à des espaces géographiquement déterminés et historiquement ancrés dans une conscience modelée par une histoire, des valeurs, une culture et une langue communes sont d'abord affaire de ceux qui vivent ensemble, dans un régime accepté de concert et qui mérite, à leurs yeux, en cas de nécessité, qu'on se scarifie pour son représentant ou les principes sur lesquels il repose. Modernité de l'histoire médiévale.