Die Integration von Kultur- und Kreativwirtschaft und internationaler Kulturpolitik kann laufende Internationalisierungsprozesse erneuern: Sie kann als Ideengeber und Transmissionsriemen dienen. Sie kann in die Auslandskommunikation und in die Arbeit der Mittlerorganisationen eingebunden werden, sie kann aber auch mit der Außenwirtschaftsförderung verschränkt werden. Während Länder wie Großbritannien und Österreich wachstums- und exportorientierte Kreativwirtschaftspolitiken betreiben, haben andere Länder Europas querschnittsorientierte Politikansätze entwickelt. Die Niederlande, Frankreich und skandinavische Länder verbinden Kreativwirtschaftspotenziale mit kulturellen und gesellschaftlichen Attributen. Wie könnte eine integrierte Sicht auf eine internationale Kultur- und Kreativwirtschaftspolitik aussehen, die sich über die Dichotomie Kultur und Wirtschaft hinwegsetzt und dann beispielsweise Kreativität, Inklusion und transnationale Vernetzung in den Mittelpunkt außenpolitischer Aktivitäten stellt?
Die Integration von Kultur- und Kreativwirtschaft und internationaler Kulturpolitik kann laufende Internationalisierungsprozesse erneuern: Sie kann als Ideengeber und Transmissionsriemen dienen. Sie kann in die Auslandskommunikation und in die Arbeit der Mittlerorganisationen eingebunden werden, sie kann aber auch mit der Außenwirtschaftsförderung verschränkt werden. Während Länder wie Großbritannien und Österreich wachstums- und exportorientierte Kreativwirtschaftspolitiken betreiben, haben andere Länder Europas querschnittsorientierte Politikansätze entwickelt. Die Niederlande, Frankreich und skandinavische Länder verbinden Kreativwirtschaftspotenziale mit kulturellen und gesellschaftlichen Attributen. Wie könnte eine integrierte Sicht auf eine internationale Kultur- und Kreativwirtschaftspolitik aussehen, die sich über die Dichotomie Kultur und Wirtschaft hinwegsetzt und dann beispielsweise Kreativität, Inklusion und transnationale Vernetzung in den Mittelpunkt außenpolitischer Aktivitäten stellt?
The integration of cultural and creative industries and international cultural policy can renew current internationalisation processes: It can serve as a source of inspiration and a driving force. It can be incorporated into foreign communication and the work of intermediary organisations, and it can also be integrated into the promotion of foreign trade. While countries such as Great Britain and Austria have growth and export oriented policies for creative industries, other European countries have developed policies with a sectional approach and orientation. The Netherlands, France and Scandinavian countries associate the potentials of the creative industries with cultural and social attributes. What could an integrated view of an international economic policy for the cultural and creative industries look like which surpasses the dichotomy of culture and the economy, and then, for example, places creativity, inclusion and transnational networking at the centre of its foreign policy activities?
The integration of cultural and creative industries and international cultural policy can renew current internationalisation processes: It can serve as a source of inspiration and a driving force. It can be incorporated into foreign communication and the work of intermediary organisations, and it can also be integrated into the promotion of foreign trade. While countries such as Great Britain and Austria have growth and export oriented policies for creative industries, other European countries have developed policies with a sectional approach and orientation. The Netherlands, France and Scandinavian countries associate the potentials of the creative industries with cultural and social attributes. What could an integrated view of an international economic policy for the cultural and creative industries look like which surpasses the dichotomy of culture and the economy, and then, for example, places creativity, inclusion and transnational networking at the centre of its foreign policy activities?
Discusses the personal, disciplinary, methodological, & professional difficulties in engaging in fruitful interdisciplinary scholarship for the fields of international law, international relations, & sociology. References. D. Edelman
Is there an intersection between the application of Public International Law with the political conduction of international relations? Should International Law, International Order and International Rules be redefined? How can such an intersection be found? The investigation seeks to extrapolate new definitions and an International Law axiom by utilizing sundry approaches to the state of the question which is properly laid out as well as some terms defined previous to the discussion by utilizing "approaches." The investigation is carried out by using the Cartesian method or that of Descartes and followers and the formal and material logical structures. Eventually new definitions and an axiom by extrapolating analyses categories are laid out. Hence, approaches such as the "legalistic" one, the "natural law" one, the "religious," the "extra-legal" one, the "eclectic" one, the "effective" one and the "UN proposed" one are analyzed in-depth upon observing the experience and current factual situation even though noting that those approaches are neither mutually exclusive nor "pure," but representative as the examples supporting them show. The paper's bottom line is no other than zeroing in on one of the oldest of International Law's wounds: That of its effectiveness. But by pointing out various moot points and by reflecting on the different reality stages, one can conclude that the material mission of the law as well as the aims of international order are eventually attained. Nonetheless in concluding and setting out the axioms and new definitions, the existing political power within a democratic framework should not be overlooked as the praxis of International Law meets that of international power to form then a juxtaposition. So, regardless of some international instruments being deemed as substantial law, one has to ask whether what the international community calls "breaking of law," is rather a breaking of procedures or adjective mandates. ; ¿Existe un punto de equilibrio o balance entre lo que es la aplicación del derecho internacional público y el manejo político de las relaciones internacionales? ¿Deben los conceptos de Derecho Internacional, Orden Internacional y Reglas Internacionales ser redefinidos? ¿Cómo se puede encontrar un punto de equilibrio? Esta investigación busca la extrapolación de nuevas definiciones y de un axioma de Derecho Internacional utilizando para ello varias aproximaciones al estado de la cuestión que es presentada así como términos previamente definidos en forma anterior al inicio de la discusión que utiliza las denominadas "aproximaciones." La investigación se lleva a cabo usando el método cartesiano y las estructuras de la lógica formal y material. Al final, nuevas definiciones y un axioma son presentadas usando para ello distintas categorías de análisis. Así, "aproximaciones" como la "religiosa o teocrática," o la "extra-legal," o la "legalista," o la "efectiva," o la del "derecho natural," la "ecléctica," la del "deber ser" y finalmente la "efectiva" son analizadas en profundidad a través de la observación de la experiencia y la situación actual, aun cuando haciendo notar que dichas aproximaciones no son mutuamente excluyentes, no tampoco "puras," pero sí representativas como los ejemplos que las soportan muestran. La idea subyacente de la investigación no es otra que centrarse en uno de los temas más importantes del derecho internacional: su efectividad. Pero al señalar varios puntos de discusión y a través de la reflexión de los diferentes escenarios reales, se puede concluir que la misión material del derecho internacional al final se cumple. No obstante, al concluir y al trazar el axioma y nuevas definiciones, no puede olvidarse el poder político existente dentro de un marco democrático por cuanto la praxis del derecho internacional se encuentra con la del poder internacional para formar una intersección. De tal manera, que independientemente de que algunos instrumentos internacionales se tengan como norma sustantiva, debe preguntarse uno si lo que la comunidad internacional llama "violación del derecho" no es una pero de meras reglas adjetivas.
The idea of creating an international police force (IPF) was first mooted by Lord David Davies in the 1930s. In 1963 U Thant, Secretary General of the United Nations, then claimed that he had 'no doubt that the world should eventually have an international police force'. Yet our international system has been and continues to be based on states, their sovereignty and a correlative 'inside/outside' distinction: a distinction which is resistant to this idea of some form of systematic international policing writ large. Instead of the establishment of an IPF, a new form of international policing has emerged through the unprecedented use of police abroad and the potential consolidation of more specific operational policing norms. This is a phenomenon that may not be as permanent nor as wide ranging as earlier conceptualisations that concerned themselves with a more structured management of interstate behaviour, but, nonetheless, it increases the possibilities for achieving an international order based on the rule of law.
Analysis and studying of the terrorism in all its facets is a complex entangled problem with less clear legal regulation that it might seem at first glance, especially after its transformation from local phenomenon into a world threat. Hitherto terrorism and actions connected to it have been criminalized by the majority of states. There are in modern criminal law whole systems of rules on criminal liability for terrorism which differs considerably from country to country. Terrorism has been criminalized in numerous international regional and universal antiterrorist legal instruments. The author notes that differences in definitions that are enshrined in them hinders international cooperation in criminal matters with respect to terrorist cases. Difficulties reside in the necessity to meet the dual criminality requirement and in the political offense exception. These difficulties can only be overcome through elaboration of a universally recognized definition of the notion of international terrorism and making it legally binding via its inclusion into a universal convention. The issue of definition of international terrorism is an important part of an efficient mutual assistance among states in fight against this crime. In this article the author accounts of actual ways of tackling by the international community of the issue of criminalization of international terrorism and of factors influencing them.