Suchergebnisse

Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.

After the entry into force of its Statute on 1st July 2002, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has started to work. The first Situations (Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Sudan) and Cases (Lubanga, Kony, Otti, Lukwiya, Odhiambo, Ongwen) are now pending before the Court. The first public decisions of the Court are dated July 2004. More than 230 public decisions were rendered by 31 December 2006. ""The Annotated Digest of the International Criminal Court (2004-2006)"" is the first volume of an annual or biennial series, depending on the volume of decisions issued. It compiles a se

Ovaj rad pokušava prikazivanjem međunarodnog sustava za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma odgovoriti na pitanje uspješnosti tog sustava. Terorizam je jedan od najsloženijih fenomena današnjeg svijeta te zasigurno najizazovnija pojava društva u kojem živimo i kao takav zahtijeva dubinsku analizu svih svojih aspekata u svrhu što učinkovitije borbe protiv istoga. U prvom djelu rada prikazan je način na koji se terorističke organizacije financiraju: izvori njihovih sredstava, načini prijenosa tih sredstava te je prikazano na što sve terorističke organizacije i teroristi troše ta sredstva. Drugi dio rada prikazuje međunarodni okvir za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma i to: UN-ove konvencije i rezolucije, FATF-ove Posebne preporuke i europsko zakonodavstvo o sprječavanju korištenja financijskog sustava za pranje novca i financiranje terorizma. Na kraju je prikazan zakonodavni i institucionalni okvir Republike Hrvatske za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma. Zaključuje se kako je međunarodna borba protiv financiranja terorizma i dalje daleko od potpunog uspjeha zbog činjenice da se terorističke organizacije bez većih problema konstantno prilagođavaju novonastalim uvjetima i novim oblicima financiranja. ; This paper attempts to show international system for prevention of the financing of terrorism and to answer the question of its efficiency. Terrorism is one of the most complex phenomena of today's world and certainly the most challenging phenomena of society in which we live, and as such requires an in-depth analysis of all its aspects in order to ensure a more efficient fight against it. In the first part of the paper it is showen the way in which terrorist organizations are being financed: sources of their funds, methods of transfer of these funds, and it shows on what the terrorist organizations and terrorists spend these funds. In the second part of the paper it is showen the international framework for the prevention of terrorist financing: UN conventions and resolutions, FATF Special recommendations and ...

In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed. ; In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed.

Ovaj rad se sastoji od pet poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju rad se bavi pregledom pojma neutralnosti, povijesnog razvoja instituta trajne neutralnosti, glavnih razlika između privremene i trajne neutralnosti te modusa osnivanja trajne neutralnosti na međunarodnom polju. U drugom poglavlju rada analiziraju se prava i dužnosti neutralnih država uz poseban naglasak na postojanje distinkcije između onih prava i dužnosti koje se odnose kako na trajno neutralne tako i na privremeno neutralne države te onih koji vrijede isključivo za trajno neutralne države. Fokus trećeg poglavlja sastoji se u obradi pitanja članstva u međunarodnim organizacijama, naročito analize problematike glede članstva trajno neutralnih država u organizacijama s ustrojenim sustavima kolektivne sigurnosti. U ovom poglavlju daje se pregled različitih reakcija i stajališta koje su pojedine trajno neutralne države zauzimale prilikom odlučivanja o pristupanju pojedinim međunarodnim organizacijama te se daje osvrt na njihov današnji položaj unutar međunarodne zajednice. Četvrto poglavlje prvenstveno se bavi Švicarskom, Austrijom i Maltom kao primjerima trajno neutralnih država. U ovom poglavlju analizira se povijesni kontekst stjecanja svojstva trajne neutralnosti, njegov razvoj, specifičnosti te prava i obveze koje vežu ove tri države. Konačno, u posljednjem petom poglavlju daje se osvrt na ulogu trajno neutralnih država u očuvanju mira i stabilnosti u međunarodnoj zajednici uslijed sve kompliciranijih odnosa između subjekata međunarodnog prava. ; This thesis consist of of five chapters. In the first chapter the thesis examines the concept of neutrality, the historical development of the institute of permanent neutrality, the main differences between temporary and permanent neutrality, and the mode of establishment of permanent neutrality in the international field. In the second chapter of the paper the rights and duties of neutral states are analyzed with special emphasis on the existence of a distinction between those rights and duties that apply to ...

The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.

Autorica istražuje mogućnost da se pesimizam etablira kao relevantan pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa u objašnjavanju kako prošlih, tako i budućih događaja u međunarodnoj politici. U radu se koristi metateorijska interpretativna metoda kako bi se iznijele neke od temeljnih niti vodilja misli pesimizma, pri čemu je fokus samo na klasičnom realizmu unutar realističke teorije, budući da su njezine postavke ujedno i temeljna izvorišta pesimizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se temeljne odrednice i biti realizma i pesimizma, drugi dio se fokusira na intelektualnu pozadinu pesimistične misli u radovima Schopenhauera, Nietzschea i Freuda, a posljednji dio iznosi kritiku optimizma i temeljne opreke u poimanju koncepta vremena između pesimizma i optimizma, kao i implikacije koje pesimizam ima za međunarodne odnose. Pesimizam kao pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa ima filozofsku snagu i jaku teorijsku pozadinu te može imati svoje mjesto unutar realističke teorije međunarodnih odnosa. ; The author evaluates the possibility of the concept of pessimism establishing itself as a relevant factor within the theory of realism in international relations, that is, for explaining past and future events in international politics. The approach applies the meta theoric interpretative method in order to expose some of the tenets of the leading pessimistic theories where the focus is on classical realism within the realistic theory, since its origins are also the fundamental origins of pessimism. The first part exposes the fundamental postulates and essence of realism and pessimism, while the second part focuses on the intellectual background of the pessimism thought found in the works of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Freud. The last part expose a criticism of optimism as well as the fundamental contradictions in understanding the concept of time between pessimism and optimism, as well as the implications of pessimism on international relations. Pessimism, as a part of the theory of realism in international ...

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.