Suchergebnisse

Agriculture in Western Europe enjoys a degree of diversity that reflects a wide variety of soils and climatic conditions ranging from the arid Mediterranean regions to the Arctic Circle. Superimposed on this natural diversity is the complexity of different social, economic and political conditions in the eighteen countries that are the subject of this chapter. History has played a major part in creating this patchwork, particularly the different paths that countries took from feudalism to independent farming units and the inheritance laws that influenced the extent to which land ownership was transmitted from generation to generation. Average farm size varies considerably in the countries of Western Europe, in turn reflecting the relative political and social importance of landowners and small farmers. By the late nineteenth century, these various factors had determined a structure of farming in the Western European region that is still visible today. Productivity growth in Western Europe's agricultural sector compared favorably with that in the manufacturing sector in the immediate post-war period. Over the period 1949 to 1959, by which time the economy had largely recovered from the war-time disruptions, output per person in agriculture had increased by more than that in manufacturing in most of the countries in Western Europe. The productivity growth was a combination of output increases as a result of mechanization and modernization, and the outflow of labor as other sectors absorbed rural workers.

Chile could well have space to increase its growth potential by 2 percentage points of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per year. To do this, it would need to pay more attention to new sources of growth in natural resources, manufacturing, and services. In an increasingly globalized world, first-mover advantages have become more numerous and larger. Chile risks losing out, as a few recent high-profile cases suggest. Chile's total factor productivity growth can be raised by driving within-firm technological change closer to the global best-practice frontier more rapidly, especially in manufacturing. This would encourage the diversification of exports and boost Chile's supply response to global demand changes. Chile confronts obstacles in its processes of innovation, human capital accumulation, and investment. To overcome them, deep institutional changes are needed to develop a national innovation system, stronger and more equitable educational achievement, more flexible labor markets, and focused public investments that crowd in private business. Such an inclusive growth strategy is likely to yield better social outcomes than a strategy that attempts to confront social inequities head-on through more equitable access to public services without paying adequate attention to the demand for labor and generation of income. Chile could also try a new policy towards innovation, but it would need to be bolder in terms of the institutional design to maximize the chances of success.

This paper provides an extensive case study of the Turkish automotive and the consumer electronics industries. Despite a macroeconomic environment that inhibits investment and growth, both industries have achieved remarkable output and productivity growth since the early 1990s. Although there are similarities between the performances of the two industries, there are significant differences between their structures, links with domestic suppliers, technological orientation, and modes of integration with the global economy. The automobile industry is dominated by multinational companies, has a strong domestic supplier base, and has seized the opportunities opened up by the Customs Union by investing in new product and process technology and learning. The consumer electronics industry is dominated by a few, large, domestic firms, and has become competitive in the European market thanks to its geographical proximity, productive domestic labor, and focus on a protected and technologically mature segment of the market, which also helps explain the recent decline in industry's fortunes. These industries could have performed even better had more responsive macroeconomic policies been adopted. It is certain that governments could be more responsive only if far-reaching political/institutional reforms are undertaken by changing the constitution and current political party and election laws in order to establish public control over the political elites.

This review of public expenditures on Social Protection (SP) in Nicaragua is based on the analytical framework of Social Risk Management (SRM) developed by the World Bank. The concept of managing social risk comes from the notion that certain groups in society are vulnerable to unexpected shocks which threaten their livelihood and/or survival. Social protection focuses on the poor since they are more vulnerable to the risks and normally do not have the instruments to handle these risks. This prevents the poor from taking more risky activities that usually yield higher returns and that could help them overcome gradually their poverty situation. Social risk management involves policies and programs aimed at reducing key risks, breaking inter-generational cycle of poverty and vulnerability. Risk management consists in the choice of appropriate risk prevention, mitigation and coping strategies to minimize the adverse impact of social risks. Social protection under SRM is defined as public interventions to assist individuals, households and communities to better manage risk and provide support to the critically poor. Thus Social protection should provide: a safety net, particularly for the poor that are likely to fall in the cracks of established programs; and a springboard for the poor to bounce out of poverty.

The world faces unprecedented opportunities to reduce global poverty and improve human welfare. Strong global growth and better economic policies in recent years have substantially reduced poverty in many developing countries. However, with the recent financial turmoil in the United States and rising prices for food, oil, and other commodities, the world economy faces heightened risks and volatility. Policymakers around the world face the challenge of maintaining momentum in growth, as well as of improving the quality of growth. This concern over quality is reflected in the highly uneven reduction in poverty, rising inequality in numerous countries, and widening environmental degradation during the past decade, a period of unprecedented high economic growth in developing countries. Unless these issues are confronted, gains from growth are likely to be undermined and the pace of growth, itself, will not be sustained. Growth is clearly linked to reductions in poverty. But the strength of this relationship depends on the quality or nature of growth. Various studies show that some growth patterns systematically reduce poverty and inequality, but others do not. And some growth patterns lead to underinvestment in human capital, overexploitation of natural resources, and degradation of the environment, patterns inimical to the sustainability of growth.

Inhaltsangabe:Abstract: This working paper shall investigate the trade integration between Turkey and the EU. The plan of this book is as follows. At first the historical background of the development concerning the trade relations between the two parties is conveyed. This includes the period from first association to implementing a customs union (CU) between Turkey and the European Union (EU) and to deeper integration abolishing barriers of trade until today. Subsequently an evaluation of the influence of the customs union follows in chapter 3 which constitutes the main part of the paper. Hereby the analysis is divided into the short-term static and long-term dynamic effects of the CU with the EU that Turkey entered on 1st January 1996. To analyze the static effects this paper adopts Viner's traditional approach, by comparing the trade creation effects with the trade diversion effects resulting from the removal of trade restrictions for Turkey and the EU as a whole. Thus, the predominant economical theory applied in this paper is the neoclassical customs union theory. This theory was chosen because it still is the predominant and widely recognized theory in analyzing trade data providing a variety of tools. Within the neoclassical theory Ricardo as well as Heckscher-Ohlin play an important role as a tool of analysis. In the relevant passages in the text the most important theoretical principles will be explained with the help of the Turkish example. At the limits of the neoclassical theories the new trade theory is supposed to help out especially where the assumptions of the neoclassical theory limit further analysis. It is the purpose of this paper to analyze the question how the trade liberalization in form of the CU between Turkey and the EU influences the development of Turkish welfare, specialization in different sectors, economies of scale, competitiveness, technological transfer and direct foreign investment. In some parts of the paper the analysis also refers to some effects for the EU, but main emphasis shall clearly be laid upon the effects on the Turkish economy. For the analysis foreign trade data is used which was compiled by the Turkish Undersecretariat of the Prime Ministry for Foreign Trade, the Prime Ministry Undersecretariat of Treasury, the Turkish Statistical Institute and Eurostat. Finding the adequate data created difficulties because of different time spans available and data from different sources being not comparable. This is why the time spans observed are sometimes not optimal. Therefore the analysis concentrates on the development within the last years, because not many studies were written in the 21st century or using data from this period. Thus, where long time spans were not available, the findings from old studies are compared with the new findings based on data from the last years. Especially within chapter 3.3 dealing with the dynamic effects this approach is reasonable since it shows the long term effects of the CU. The last subitem within chapter 3 allows a glance at the possibility of further integration taking monetary integration as an example. Last but not least chapter 4 will summarize the findings of the previous sections which will lead to a final estimation of the effects of the CU on Turkey and the EU.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: LIST OF ABBREVIATIONSIII LIST OF FIGURESIV APPENDICES INDEXV 1.INTRODUCTION1 2.HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ABOUT THE RELATIONS BETWEEN TURKEY AND THE EU2 2.1GENERAL OVERVIEW2 2.2FROM THE ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT UNTIL TODAY THE HISTORY OF THE CU3 2.3FROM PROTECTIONISM TO MORE TRADE LIBERALISATION6 2.4THE ABOLITION OF BARRIERS TO TRADE8 2.4.1Tariff barriers8 2.4.2Non-tariff barriers9 3.THE CUSTOMS UNION AS A FORM OF TRADE INTEGRATION - IMPLICATIONS FOR TURKEY AND THE EU13 3.1GENERAL ANALYSIS13 3.2THE STATIC EFFECTS OF THE CUSTOMS UNION18 3.3DYNAMIC EFFECTS25 3.3.1The specialization effect25 3.3.1.1Inter-industry trade25 3.3.1.1.1Theoretical background Neoclassic25 3.3.1.1.2Turkey's comparative advantage27 3.3.1.2Intra-industry trade32 3.3.2Economies of scale35 3.3.3Competitiveness38 3.3.4Technological transfer40 3.3.5Direct foreign investment44 3.3.5.1Theoretic implementation44 3.3.5.2Direct foreign investment inflows by countries46 3.3.5.3Direct foreign investment volume47 3.3.5.4Direct foreign investment by sectors48 3.3.5.5Prospects50 3.4EXCHANGE RATES EXCURSUS: FREE FLOATING OR PEGGING TO THE EURO52 3.4.1Gains and losses from pegging to the euro52 3.4.2Recommendation55 4.CONCLUSIONS59 BIBLIOGRAPHY62 INTERNET SOURCES67 APPENDICES71Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3.3.4 Technological transfer: According to the theory of catching up underdeveloped countries may close a technology gap by free trade. The more a country's productivity and technology is backward the higher is its growth potential and its growth rates in case of free trade. Trade also causes a technology transfer, and underdeveloped nations may use new technologies without spending a lot on invention. This is also connected with the product cycle hypothesis. The high developed industrial countries are the producers of new products realising export monopolies at the beginning of the product cycle. If the product reaches its maturing stage less developed countries may foster development through imitation. In the standardization period, it is possible to produce with standardised techniques and low-qualified labour, which makes it possible for developing countries to specialise on these goods due to their lower costs of production and low wage rates. This is also often thanks to direct foreign investment (DFI), giving the ability to develop competitive products. Rising commercial contacts between countries causes an accumulation of knowledge. This leads to a catching-up, while producing low technology goods under protection causes falling behind. Producing standardised low-technology goods may end in the so called Heckscher-Ohlin trap. That means that there is no remarkable technical progress because of lacking human capital accumulation in the production. There is no significant technology transfer because DFI is also going into branches with less human capital. Without technical progress the country will fall behind. Low-technology goods in the exporting sector will suffer from rising competition in the world market. Convergence is evoked mainly by the 2 factors technological progress and capital accumulation. Faster implementation of technological innovations can lead to a higher rate of technological change. As an industrializing country, Turkey needs advanced technologies to speed up its industrialization process. There is a natural alliance between the new trade theory, with its emphasis on increasing returns and imperfect competition, and the view that technological change is a key factor driving international specialization. Technological development is normally an increasing returns process carried out in imperfectly competitive industries, and the most important sources of increasing returns in practice probably lie in dynamic economies of learning and research and development. If bigger sales markets and increased competition initiate innovations and growth processes, which excite technologic dynamics, then those positive effects can be carried over to other companies or even to other sectors by spill-over effects, learning effects and income effects. Technological gaps are also explainable with the traditional trade theory. The H–O model would predict that technologically advanced countries have a comparative advantage in technology-intensive goods. Innovation, by increasing the range of products, represents an increase in real world productivity. Technology transfer then since it is allowing a wider range of goods in Turkey, also represents a gain from a global point of view. Innovation as well as technology transfer increase world output. Hereby innovation disproportionately benefits the EU, the more innovative area, while technological transfer supports Turkey. The high protection rates of the Turkish industry before the CU lead to a relatively underdeveloped level of technology in its production. It shall be considered how this situation changed under the CU. The whole level of technology itself is not measurable; however technology-input can be measured with the expenses for education, research and development or the employment of scientists and engineers. The following graphic gives an overview about the employment of research and development (RD) personnel including scientists and technicians. As it can be seen the number of people employed within RD increased significantly during the regarded period. The comparison between Turkey and other chosen countries in Appendix N with respect to the education expenses as a percentage of GDP confirms Turkey's high technology input. In 2002 Turkey spend 7.26% on education being 1.36 percentage points higher than the OECD average. Unfortunately there are no time series evidences available in this matter. Yet, the different factors indicating Turkey's technology input show positive results. Technology-output is measured by the number of patent applications. If this number increases within the time period of the CU it can be interpreted as a positive sign for the catching-up process of Turkey. Alternatively the percentage of innovative firms can give an impression about the technology output. In the following graphic the development during the years 1997-2004 is shown. The percentage of innovative firms increased being a sign on the one hand of more investment in RD and on the other hand of possible spillover effects due to the closer integration with Europe. The overall estimation for Turkey's technology change is a positive one although Turkey still needs to increase its transfer of technology to overcome the shortcomings of their trade balance. Another possibility would be to attract more DFI which is the topic of the next chapter. Direct foreign investment: Positive growth effects can occur when the CU leads to an increase in investments. Reasons like high competition plead for such a positive relation. The CU had influence on the location and volume of real investment which is analysed in more detail in this chapter. Theoretic implementation: "Direct foreign investment is defined as an investment in which the investor acquires a substantial controlling interest in a foreign firm or sets up a subsidiary in a foreign country. DFI involves ownership or control of a business enterprise abroad." Thus the distinctive feature of DFI is that it involves not only a transfer of resources but also the acquisition of control. The subsidiary is part of the same organizational structure. In case of a plant the transfer of resources and production capabilities, and therefore DFI, contribute to the industrial base of the host country Turkey. DFI is one important pillar of convergence theories, in which it is assumed that capital flows into the region with lower wages and higher interest rates. In the "catching up" theory it is the source of technology and know-how because every investment from developed countries will cause a technology transfer, and the production will have external effects via learning-by-doing and spill-over to other industries. Increasing intra-industry trade is a sign of catching up while DFI flows may be an indicator of technology transfer. The growth in investments is one important requirement to catch up with the development level of the EU. There are a lot of factors determining investment decisions, among others: In developing countries there often exists a lack of savings and capital accumulation which is needed to realize additional profitable investments. Hence investment opportunities which promise high profits are realised by foreign entrepreneurs especially if the domestic demand in the invested sector offers good growth prospects. Another advantage is the relatively cheap quality and surplus of the labour force in developing countries. By shifting the assembly industries to these countries they can reduce their costs and increase their ability to compete in the world market. Moreover the geographical position of the country and suitable connections to different foreign markets are a determining factor for choosing the country of investment. In this way Turkey could be used as an export base to the Middle Eastern and Islamic countries. Susanne Voigt, Studium an der Berufsakademie Berlin in der Fachrichtung Bank, Abschluss 2004 als Diplom-Betriebswirtin (BA), Aufbaustudium an der Europa Universität Viadrina in Frankfurt/Oder, Abschluss 2007 als Master of Arts (European Studies).

Export diversification can lead to higher growth. Developing countries should diversify their exports since this can, for example, help them to overcome export instability or the negative impact of terms of trade in primary products. The process of economic development is typically a process of structural transformation where countries move from producing "poor-country goods" to "rich-country goods." Export diversification does play an important role in this process. The author also provides robust empirical evidence of a positive effect of export diversification on per capita income growth. This effect is potentially nonlinear with developing countries benefiting from diversifying their exports in contrast to the most advanced countries that perform better with export specialization.

There is much in common between the agricultural sectors of the United States and Canada. This chapter begins with a brief background on the two sectors, then reviews their histories of farm policy developments before reporting new estimates of rates of assistance to their farmers and their consequences for taxpayers and consumers. This is followed by an explanation of the politics behind the evolution and gyrations in farm policies in the two countries, and some speculation on the prospect for reform. Since the policy histories and their effects in the two countries are somewhat different, they are discussed sequentially in those sections.

Author's introductionThe article provides an overview of research about social movements targeting and activism within organizations, such as corporations, educational institutions, the military, and religious orders. I begin by discussing older research in the field, then turn to four key questions that social movements scholars tend to ask and present a summary of the answers that scholars focusing on social movements in organizations have provided: what factors prompt the development of social movements in organizations; who becomes involved in insider activism, and why are they willing to face the risks inherent in participation; what strategies and tactics are used by social movements in organizations, and what are the relative costs and benefits of different strategic and tactical choices; and when do social movements have impacts on organizations, and what kinds of impacts do they have? This field remains underdeveloped, and the article concludes with an overview of potential directions for future research in an area of growing concern as the world population exists more and more under and within the influence of organizations.Author recommendsEisenstein, Hester 1996. Inside Agitators: Australian Femocrats and the State. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Hester Eisenstein's detailed study of the movement of Australian feminists into the state government bureaucracy is one of the first studies in the current wave of research into insider activism. While her case involves governmental agencies rather than non‐state organizations, the research provides a useful overview of how outsider activists become insiders and how their strategic choices are affected by their location with respect to the organization. The research finds that the creation of women's divisions within the state bureaucracy gave women both a seat at the government table and a foothold for the development of an insider consciousness and ultimately insider activism.Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod 1998. Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Faithful and Fearless considers campaigns by feminist activists to improve the situation for women in the United States military and the Catholic Church. Katzenstein highlights the personal costs of insider activism, the strategic choices activists make, the particular strengths and vulnerabilities of insider activists, and the way that accountability shapes insider activism. Particularly important is her discussion of the ways that the military and the Church, while both institutions that have stressed obedience and compliance, foster distinctive forms of activism and protest. While women in the military use legal action and lobbying to support their cause, women in the Church tend to turn to what Katzenstein calls 'discursive activism' (writing, workshops, conferences, and discussions reflecting on the meaning of faith and justice in the Church), and these different strategies have important consequences for the different ways that the impacts of these activists have developed.Klein, Naomi 2000. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. New York, NY: Picador.While Naomi Klein is a journalist rather than a social scientist, No Logo provides a useful overview of the anti‐globalization and anti‐corporate movements written as they were beginning to make a global impression. Eminently readable, this text is a way to highlight the difference between movements targeting organizations from within and without. Klein's main focus is on branding, and she traces the development of branding, the reduction of choice by multinational corporations, and the global movement of manufacturing jobs and concomitant labor issues. In the final section of the book, the part of most use to scholars and students of activism, Klein discusses anti‐globalization movements and other forms of activism targeting corporations from the outside.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press.'Tempered radicals' are individuals who have successful careers within and identify with the organizations they are part of, but who simultaneously occupy marginal spaces in relation to these organizations due to some aspect of their personal identities, politics, practices, or ideals. Meyerson's book, written from a management studies perspective, shows how tempered radicals can create change in the corporate environments in which they work and provides an overview of the non‐disruptive forms of resistance such activists use. She presents many case studies of individuals who have created change in their corporate environments through the use of such non‐disruptive strategies, and structures her book as a guide to engaging in corporate change.Raeburn, Nicole C. 2004. Changing Corporate America from the Inside Out: Lesbian and Gay Workplace Rights. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Raeburn's work provides an excellent way to bridge the discussion of activism within organizations with the discussion of other forms of organizational change. Her research begins with the observation that while the US government has made little progress in extending civil rights to gay and lesbian people, over half of all Fortune 500 corporations offered family leave and domestic partner health coverage by the beginning of the 2000s (up from just three in 1990). She argues that employee activists organized to convince their corporate employers to offer domestic partnership benefits, non‐discrimination policies, and other LGBT workplace rights, and she builds on this analysis to show how changes that originate in a small number of organizations can spread across the organizational field.Rojas, Fabio 2007. From Black Power to Black Studies: How a Radical Social Movement Became an Academic Discipline. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.Like Raeburn, Rojas's work shows the connection between insider activism and other processes of organizational change, such as foundation‐driven financial support and broad social change. His exploration of the emergence of black studies as an academic discipline in American higher education incorporates significant discussion of strategic choice and its effects on movement impacts. Rojas argues that black studies departments were able to emerge when they resonated with the culture of their college or university, particularly when they developed organizational structures that fit with institutional norms while still staying true to the movement itself. A particular strength of this book is its focus on the institutionalization of social movements and the ways in which institutionalization may actually be co‐evolution and compromise rather than cooptation.Scott, James C. 1990. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Domination and the Arts of Resistance does not focus on insider activism, but in this book, James Scott meticulously documents how resistance can occur beneath the surface and out of sight. It expands the reader's understanding of how insider activists can begin to resist the policies and practices at work in their organizations before they are willing to face repression and other personal costs. Drawing on examples from literature and history around the world, Scott shows how the public expressions of domination and submission differ markedly from the mocking and other forms of resistance that occur backstage – what he calls a 'hidden transcript'.Online materials Social Movements and Culture: A Resource Site http://www.wsu.edu/~amerstu/smc/ Developed by the Department of American Studies at Washington State University, this site contains extensive bibliographies of texts, syllabi, and websites concerning social movements and activism. While the site does not primarily focus on social movements in organizations, it is a useful place to begin investigating social movement campaigns and contains links to the websites of many organizational activists. Confronting Companies Using Shareholder Power http://www.foe.org/international/shareholder/ This primer outlines the history of shareholder activism and provides a detailed overview of how to mount a shareholder campaign. Most useful for teaching purposes, it provides links to primary source documents from a variety of shareholder campaigns in the late 1990s which could serve as the basis for a variety of course projects. Campus Activism http://www.campusactivism.org/ This site provides a directory listing hundreds of activist groups on college campuses across the United States, as well as organizing resources, lists of events and campaigns, and a discussion forum. It would be a great starting place for organizing local participant‐observation projects. Net2 http://www.netsquared.org/ Net2 is a database of projects that utilize social web tools on behalf of both activist and not‐for‐profit groups. The projects highlighted here can provide ideas of Web 2.0 projects for classroom development as well as show the ways that covert or non‐disruptive activism is utilized by those seeking social change.Sample syllabus Week 1. Introduction to Organizations Scott, W. Richard. 2000. 'Institutional Theory and Organizations.' Pp. 21–46 in Institutions and Organizations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Week 2. Introduction to Social Movements Della Porta, Donatella and Mario Diani. 2006. Social Movements: An Introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell.Snow, David A., Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi. 2004. 'Mapping the Terrain.' Pp. 3–16 in David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Week 3. Schools of Social Movement Theory McCarthy, John D. and Mayer N. Zald. 2002. 'The Enduring Vitality of the Resource Mobilization Theory of Social Movements.' Pp. 533–565 in Jonathan Turner, ed. Handbook of Sociological Theory. New York, NY: Plenum.Melucci, Alberto. 1994. 'A Strange Kind of Newness: What's "New" in New Social Movements?' Pp. 101–130 in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston and Joseph R. Gusfield, eds. New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Kriesi, Hanspeter. 2004. 'Political Context and Opportunity.' Pp. 67–90 in David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Week 4. Labor and the Labor Movement Fantasia, Rick and Kim Voss. 2004. Hard Work: Remaking the American Labor Movement. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Week 5. Social Movements Targeting Organizations from the Outside Klein, Naomi 2000. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. New York, NY: Picador. Week 6. When and Why do Movements Emerge within Organizations? Santoro, Wayne A. and Gail M. McGuire. 1997. 'Social Movement Insiders: The Impact of Institutional Activists on Affirmative Action and Comparable Worth Policies.'Social Problems 44: 503–519.Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Protest Moves Inside Institutions.' Pp. 3–22 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Van Dyke, Nella. 1998. 'Hotbeds of Activism: Locations of Student Protest.'Social Problems 45: 205–220. Week 7. Insider Activists Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Legalizing Protest.' Pp. 23–42 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Meyerson, Debra E. and Maureen A. Scully. 1995. 'Tempered Radicalism and the Politics of Ambivalence and Change.'Organization Science 6: 585–600.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. 'Tempered Radicals.' Pp. 1–34 in Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press. Week 8. Strategies and Tactics in Organizational Activism Rojas, Fabio. 2006. 'Social Movement Tactics, Organizational Change, and the Spread of African‐American Studies.'Social Forces 84: 2147–2166.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. 'How Tempered Radicals Make a Difference.' Pp. 35–138 in Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press. Week 9. Discursive Activism Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Discursive Activism.' Pp. 107–131 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Scott, James C. 1990. 'Behind the Official Story.' Pp. 1–16 in Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Benford, Robert D. and David A. Snow. 2000. 'Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment.'Annual Review of Sociology 26: 611–639. Week 10. Understanding Movement Impacts Amenta, Edwin and Michael P. Young. 1999. 'Making an Impact: Conceptual and Methodological Implications of the Collective Goods Criterion.' Pp. 22–41 in Marco Guigini, Doug McAdam, and Charles Tilly, ed. How Movements Matter: Theoretical and Comparative Studies on the Consequences of Social Movements, edited by Marco Guigini, Doug McAdam and Charles Tilly. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Guigni, Marco. 1998. 'Was It Worth the Effort? The Outcomes and Consequences of Social Movements.'Annual Review of Sociology 24: 371–393.Earl, Jennifer. 2003. 'Tanks, Tear Gas, and Taxes: Toward a Theory of Movement Repression.'Sociological Theory 21: 45–68. Week 11. Impacts on Organizations Raeburn, Nicole C. 2004. Changing Corporate America from the Inside Out: Lesbian and Gay Workplace Rights. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.The remaining weeks are left open for studies of specific cases, student presentations, or coverage of research techniques in social movements. For a 10‐week trimester course, I would suggest combining weeks 2 and 3 and combining weeks 10 and 11. For those who wish to cover research techniques in social movements, the following selections are useful:Mahoney, James. 2003. 'Strategies for Causal Assessment in Comparative‐Historical Analysis,' pp. 337–371 in James Mahoney and Dietich Rueschemeyer, eds. Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences.Klandermans, Bert and Suzanne Staggenborg, eds. 2002. Methods of Social Movement Research. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Hill, Michael. 1993. Archival Strategies and Techniques. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Focus questions

What factors prompt the development of social movements in organizations?
Who becomes involved in insider activism, and why are they willing to face the risks inherent in participation?
What strategies and tactics are used by social movements in organizations, and what are the relative costs and benefits of different strategic and tactical choices?
When do social movements have impacts on organizations, and what kinds of impacts do they have?
How are social movements within organizations different from and similar to other types of social movements and from other types of organizational change?

Seminar/project idea Activism in the College/University Context: An Archival Research Project In this project, individual students or small groups of students investigate periods of activism in their own college or university. The project will introduce students to both the promise and the challenge of doing research on movements in the past, and it will help them to see the complexity of processes of change in an organization they are intimately familiar with. While the moments of activism in each college and university are different, some good places to start might be changes in general education requirements or the development of new majors or programs; the end of parietal rules governing cross‐sex visitation in dorms; changes in religious observance, including chapel regulations or religious affiliations; times of social turbulence outside of the college or university, such as the Civil Rights movement, anti‐war movements, or divestment campaigns related to apartheid in South Africa; efforts related to the admission of students of different sex or race from the original student body; and labor movement activity. Instructors may wish to consult with archivists and/or faculty members with a long history at the institution to draw up a list of possible topics in advance, or they may encourage students to locate their own topics. Students will then need to spend time in the archives to develop an understanding of the context of the activist campaign they are studying. Most campaigns will have received coverage in student newspapers and will be documented in the archives to some extent, but some projects may require interviews with activists or observers present at the time. Students will then prepare papers and/or presentations that rely on the theoretical ideas covered in the course to explain the emergence, strategic choices, and impacts of these change campaigns. Corporate Case Study Assignment In this assignment, students conduct a case study of an individual incidence of shareholder activism. Drawing on publicly available documents, such as those that can be located at foe.org, SEC filings, and court cases, students develop an analysis of what lead to movement emergence, how shareholders developed their strategies (including framing), and what factors influenced the eventual impact of the activism. Depending on the case, instructors may also encourage students to locate and interview key activists in the campaign. For graduate courses, final projects on different corporations might be created by individual students or small groups; for undergraduate courses, instructors might choose a single case and have all the students contribute to a joint analysis. This project would be particularly well suited to courses in business or management that take organizational change and insider activism as topics of inquiry.Note
* Correspondence address: Rhode Island College, Department of Sociology, 600 Mount Pleasant Avenue, Providence, RI 02908. E‐mail: marthur@ric.edu.

The story of agricultural policy in Northeast Asia over the past 50 years illustrates the dramatic changes that can occur in distortions to agricultural incentives faced by producers and consumers at different stages of economic development. In this study of Japan, the Republic of Korea (the southern part of the peninsula, hereafter referred to as Korea) and the island of Taiwan, China (hereafter referred to as Taiwan), the authors estimate the degree of distortions for key agricultural products as well as for the agricultural sector as a whole over a period when these economies transitioned from low- or middle- to high-income status the beginning of the so-called East Asian economic miracle of dramatic industrial development. The three economies in terms of the nature of their economies, including their resource endowments that determined the course of their modern economic growth and development. The evolution of agricultural policies in the three economies is then reviewed before discussing how to measure distortions to agricultural incentives using the methodology from Anderson et al. (2008), the focus of which is on nominal and relative rates of assistance. Implications of empirical findings for policy reforms in the three economies are discussed in the final section, where the authors also identify lessons for later-developing economies experiencing similar structural transformations in the course of their economic growth. Statistical observations are found to be consistent with the hypothesis that the success of rapid industrialization that advanced these economies to the middle-income stage resulted in declines in agriculture's comparative advantage associated with the growing income disparity between farmers and employees in non-agricultural sectors.

Spatial inequality is an important feature of many developing countries that seems to increase with economic growth and development. At the same time, there seems to be little consensus on the causes of spatial inequality and on a list of effective policy instruments that may foster or reduce spatial inequality. This paper examines the theoretical and empirical literature on spatial inequality to learn what we know and do not know about the causes of spatial inequality, to investigate what policies may or may not ameliorate spatial inequality, and to determine whether policy makers can identify and implement policies that promote or reduce spatial inequality.

During the past two decades Colombia has been developing and improving its National Results-Based Management and Evaluation System (SINERGIA). The development of this system has been a focal point in Colombia's state reform towards performance-based management, particularly at the central administration. After 15 years of progress, overcoming the effects of institutional, political, and fiscal obstacles, SINERGIA has achieved one of the highest levels of development and customization, and it is held up as an example of best practices by multilateral organizations, donor agencies, and other governments. The monitoring and evaluation (M&E) system that Colombia adopted sought to promote a results focus on both planning and budgeting processes, simultaneously. However, during implementation the results-based planning model superseded the budgeting model, owing principally to the architecture of Colombia's central administration and to the institutional placement of SINERGIA within the Department of National Planning. Compared with similar experiences in other countries, the process by which SINERGIA advanced institutionalization is notable for the way it combined high-ranking, wide ranging, and formal mechanisms with the development of informal practices in key areas of the public sector. Many lessons for other countries are identified in this paper. Some of the key factors in Colombia's success are as follows: 1) the importance of having a central governmental department act as a champion supporter, and using an opportunistic approach to include the M&E system as a key pillar on public sector reform agendas; 2) the kind of regulatory and incentives framework on which the M&E system is based, and the sustained effort in promoting 'cultural' change and developing evaluation capacities; 3) the political role of the President in the system's institutionalization process; 4) the powerful part that technically defined methodologies and dissemination mechanisms have played in the system's institutionalization strategy; 5) the collaborative approach used to strengthen evaluation practices and to enhance the community of evaluators; and 6) the demand-driven approach for introducing M&E at the regional level.

Colombia's National Results-Based Management and Evaluation System (SINERGIA) is one of Latin America's outstanding results-based monitoring and evaluation initiatives. With 15 years of progressive development, SINERGIA has endured the countries' institutional, political, and fiscal problems and has attained one of the highest levels of development and customization in Latin America. Based on its accomplishments it has been held up as an example by multilateral organizations, donor agencies, and other governments. This paper examines the experience of institutionalizing Colombia's monitoring and evaluation (M&E) system, from the perspective of a former SINERGIA manager: Manuel Fernando Castro, Director of Public Policy Evaluation, and Department of National Planning. This study is meant to complement previous studies by other authors with an insider's account, description, and analysis of the obstacles encountered and the results obtained. Likewise, it presents recommendations on how to ensure further institutionalization and identifies several lessons that might be of interest to professionals who are developing evaluation systems in other countries.

Background of the research This study intends to analyses the involuntary resettlement of an indigenous Dayak community due to the implementation of the Bakun Dam Project in Sarawak, Malaysia. The significance of this research is that it raises important questions on the impact of development imposed by the state government of Sarawak on the indigenous people who have been regarded as in need of change and to be brought closer to urbanization vis-à-vis modernization through resettlement. Involuntary resettlement due to development projects or infrastructure improvements is not a singular phenomenon and in this context it is often argued that development projects provide employment to the local population and enforce development. However, a dam project also displaces local people from their homes and traditional livelihood. This research focuses on the forced displacement of the indigenous communities at Sg. Asap resettlement because of the implementation of the Bakun Hydro-electric Project (BHP). It is viewed as an involuntary resettlement as the indigenous communities who were residing within the area of the planned BHP had no choice but to move to the resettlement. Their villages and native lands were claimed by the state government for the implementation for the BHP. Thus, the whole problem is focused on the question of why is the resettlement that is promised as a development program for the people by the state government of Sarawak being regarded as forced displacement. In this research, forced displacement is observed at three different levels. First, prior to resettlement, potential settlers are faced with the critical decision of abandoning their homes and livelihoods, causing emotional distress. Secondly, after moving to the new settlement, settlers are often confronted with inadequate compensation for their loss of natural resources, social heritage and land, adding misery to their already distressed situation. Thirdly, resettling people into an area without any supportive resources, i.e. resources whose, purpose is to improve the lives of the settlers compared to their previous situation, fails to accomplish the very purpose of such resettlement. Research objectives and Questions This research utilizes Michael Cornea's analysis, the Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) Model (2000), which brings to the main objective of this research that is to examine the outcomes of involuntary resettlement of the indigenous people. This research compares the situation confronted by the settlers in Sg. Asap resettlement to that definition of "involuntary population resettlement" advanced by Michael Cernea (1998). In this definition, there are two sets of distinct but related processes: displacement of people and dismantling of their patterns of economic and social organization, and resettlement at a different location and reconstruction of their livelihood and social networks. Other than that, the objectives of this research are: to observe if involuntary resettlement planned for meeting the labor needs for the oil palm estates is a catalyst for socio-economic development for settlers. And for policy recommendations, the sub-objectives are: •To subsequently evaluate the problems of accessing resources. •To study to what extent the involuntary resettlement has affecting the social and power structures. •To show the level of changes in social and power structure influencing livelihood strategies. •To examine the most effective network that has provided the people a platform to generate their livelihood. This research details the process and impact of the forced and involuntary displacement faced by the settlers. Factors highlighted include the indigenous people's coping mechanism and strategy in dealing with various issues related to land rights and usage, disagreement and differences in the new social structure, competition over limited natural resources and changing power structure and relations. Issues such as the problems within the household because of the changing family structure and changing role of elderly, men and women in the domestic unit are also highlighted in this research. Most important, this research focuses not only at the displacement issue but also illustrates how settlers rebuild and restructure their life and livelihood. Therefore, based on important concepts, livelihood, coping strategies and power structure, research questions raised are: 1.How do settlers cope with the fact of being involuntarily resettled and what do they do to deal with unanticipated consequences of the social changes that occur? 2.How do settlers manage the new social structure, conflict over limited resources and changing power structures and relations within their own community? 3.Which strategies currently used by these settlers have the potential to build a sustainable livelihood in the new settlement? Theoretical background This research takes the approach of regarding resettlement first and foremost as a catalyst for social change. However, resettlement in the context of 'force' or 'involuntary,' certainly does not ensure positive changes. Dessalegn (1989) defined resettlement in a different context: land settlement, colonisation, or transmigration, all referring to the phenomenon of people distribution, either planned or 'spontaneous'. Accordingly, 'resettlement as in Ethiopia implies moving people or people moving to new locations; colonization as in Latin America implies opening up or reclaiming lands for utilization; and transmigration is favoured by those writing on the Indonesian experience and the word suggests cross-ocean or cross island relocation' (Dessalegn, 1989:668). Palmer refers to resettlement as 'a planned and controlled transfer of population from one area to another' (1979:149). Tadros (1979:122), in analyzing resettlement schemes in Egypt, applied the United Nations definition of human settlement as: 'development of viable communities on new or unused land through the introduction of people' and further defined resettlement in two models: spontaneous and paternalistic. The spontaneous model leaves full scope for individual initiatives, and no support is provided by national or international organisations. No attention is paid to the proper place and function of the settlement within the national context. In the paternalistic model, technical support such as education, tools, equipment and other assistance is provided to the settlers (Tadros, 1979:122). The above definitions can be used in a different fashion for this research, thus the term 'forced' or 'involuntary resettlement'. In reality, despite the good intentions for developing communities, resettlement can also 'under develop' communities in the sense that such communities face greater hardship compared to life before resettlement. To this extent, the working definition of 'resettlement' in this research is a poorly planned resettlement through a forced, involuntary relocation of communities onto unused land that is inadequate for communities to develop a productive and fully functional socio-economic system. This research has adapted the concepts proposed by Michael Cernea (1998), looking at involuntary resettlement in general. The concept of involuntary resettlement (in this research also termed as forced resettlement), which is the comprehensive concept most often used in the current social science literature, integrates 'displacement' and 'resettlement' into one single term, in which the emphasis on involuntariness directly connotes the forced displacement. The usual description of 'involuntary population resettlement' consists, as mentioned earlier, of two sets of distinct but related processes: displacement of people and the dismantling of their patterns of economic and social organization, and resettlement at a different location with reconstruction of their livelihood and social networks. Resettlement refers to the process of the physical relocation of those displaced, and to their socio-economic re-establishment as family/household micro-units and as larger communities. Displacement implies not only physical eviction from a dwelling, but also the expropriation of productive lands and other assets to make possible an alternative use of the space. This is not just an economic transaction or a simple substitution of property with monetary compensation. Involuntary displacement is a process of unravelling established human communities, existing patterns of social organization, production systems and networks of social services. Overall, forced displacement of communities causes an economic crisis for most or all of those affected, entails sudden social disarticulation, and sometimes triggers a political crisis as well (Cernea, 1998:2-3). This research investigates the implications of resettlement and the reconstruction of the livelihood of the affected settlers. Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction Model (IRR) provides important variables to explore these issues further. Several important variables in the IRR model are utilised to create an independent framework for this research, and is explained in the following section. As Cernea explained, the IRR is a model of impoverishment risks during displacement, and of counteractions to match the basic risks where the multifaceted process of impoverishment was deconstructed into its fundamental components. The components are: landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalisation, food insecurity, increased morbidity and mortality, loss of access to common property assets, and community disarticulation. This analytical deconstruction facilitates understanding of how these sub-processes interlink, influence, and amplify each other. Reconstruction, then, is the reversal of the impoverishment processes, and can be understood and accomplished along the same variables, considered in a holistic, integrated way (Cernea, 2000:5; 2003:40). IRR focuses on the social and economic contact of both segments of the process: the forced displacement and the re-establishment. The model captures processes that are simultaneous, but also reflects the movement in time from the destitution of displacement to recovery resettlement (Cernea, 2000:18). There are three fundamental concepts at the core of the model: risk, impoverishment and reconstruction. Each is further split into sets of specifying notions or components (as mentioned above) that reflect another dimension, or another variable of impoverishment or reconstruction (for example, landlessness, marginalisation, morbidity or social disarticulation). These variables are interlinked and influence each other; some play a primary role while others play a derivative role in either impoverishment or reconstruction (largely as a function of given circumstances). The conceptual framework captures the disparity between potential and actual risk. All forced displacements are prone to major socio-economic risks, but they are not fatally condemned to succumb to them. Cernea further explains that in this framework the concept of risk, as stated by Giddens (1990), is to indicate the possibility that a certain course of action will trigger future injurious effects – losses and destruction. Following Luhman (1993), the concept of risk is posited as a counter-concept to security: the higher the risk, the lower the security of displaced populations (Cernea, 2000:19). The model's dual emphasis – on risks to be prevented and on reconstruction strategies to be implemented – facilitates its operational use as a guide for action. Like other models, its components can be influenced and 'manipulated' through informed planning to diminish the impact of one or several components, as given conditions require or permit. That requires considering these variables as a system, in their mutual connections, and not as a set of separate elements. The model is also flexible as a conceptual template, allowing for the integration of other dimensions, when relevant, and for adapting to changing circumstances (Cernea, 2000:20). This model can be linked with other conceptual frameworks, to achieve complementary perspectives and additional knowledge (Cernea, 2000:21). There are four distinct, but interlinked, functions that the risks and reconstruction model performs: A predictive (warning and planning) function A diagnostic (explanatory and assessment) function A problem-solution function, in guiding and measuring resettlers´ reestablishment A research function, in formulating hypotheses and conducting theory-led field investigations For this research, the function falls under the third function, the problem-resolution. As Cernea explained, the problem-resolution capacity results from the model's analytical incisiveness and its explicit action orientation. The IRR model is formulated with an awareness of the social actors in resettlement, their interaction, communication, and ability to contribute to resolution. The model becomes a compass for strategies to reconstruct settlers´ livelihoods (Cernea, 2000:22). The IRR model clearly points out the results of social change and social disorganisation caused by involuntary resettlement. For the purpose of analysis, the two major variables used for the framework are: loss of access to common property assets and; social and community disarticulation, give a crucial foundation to exhibit the implications of forced displacement. Both of the major variables have been linked to understand the problems that are occurring in the community and households (shown as dependent variables - the coping mechanisms, the way settlers manage risks and the type of resources that people engage to strategise their livelihood). Each component respectively points out the results of change caused by involuntary resettlement i.e. competition over forest resources, state land and living space, and; dismantling of traditional power structure, communal structure and family structure. Although the central theme of the theoretical framework is forced displacement, the framework is expanded to the investigation of coping mechanisms, power structure and relations, and the way settlers strategize their livelihood. The research framework has aimed clearly at the impact of involuntary resettlement which is concluded in this research as causing the changes and social disorganization in the social structure of the settlers. However, the framework also extends to another level for the investigation of the strategies of rebuilding and restructuring of settlers. Main research findings With regard to the perspective to develop the indigenous people through resettlement program, as shown in this research, there are more losses than gains being achieved especially on the settlers' side. What they have left behind (history, livelihood, rights and identity) at their natural environment cannot be retrieved, and uncompensated. And it is also a fact, as proven in this research that the uncompensated losses continue to be the sole grievances of settlers and the factor of causing continuous displacement amongst settlers. This research concludes that as much as the involuntary resettlement has brought many new challenges to the Kenyah-Badeng, many of these challenges are beyond their capability to manage. The underlying problem is settlers were not actively involved in designing their future in the new settlement from the very beginning the project was proposed. The settlers were receiving diminutive information about the resettlement program, and very limited public platform for them to participate or to voice out their concerns and suggestions before its implementation. The factor that causes their continuous displacement is the non-existence of natural resources and land (other than the three acres given to them as part of the compensation) for them to generate income (remember that most of them are farmers without any skill useful to work in non-agricultural activities). Their life in the former village was hard but they were free to explore as much resources as possible, and they owned their native land. In the resettlement, they are as much strangers to the place as to the way of life they are faced with at the new settlement. In other words, settlers simply do not know how to behave appropriately in radically changed social situations because they are not equipped with necessary living tools. The study of the displacement of the Kenyah-Badengs is concluded in three important aspects as follows: Power structure and relations - In power structure and relations, kinship has always been an important aspect that became the reference for any struggle over leadership issue. Kinship is viewed on a larger scale that includes not only blood relation, but also aspects such as others who came from the same root, indicating that kinship in that term was very much related to sharing of the same history of settlement, migration and culture. It has been proposed that kinship was one crucial aspect that binds this community together, but not likely to be true at the new settlement. The power structure in the Kenyah-Badeng community at the resettlement stand as a separate system, failed to bind the people together, no orders from the leader and not accepting orders by the people. However, they carry out the norm of being as peaceful community, as they have always been. Coping through family network – Because of the failure of power structure and relations, the Kenyah-Badeng become family/household oriented in their livelihood strategies. The family network proves to be the most important coping mechanism for such challenging social environment. The family network provides a platform for its members to generate income, employment, social and moral support, education, and security in general. Livelihood strategies – With the absence of promised resources, settlers are faced with many problems with regards to economic aspects at the new settlement. Their agriculture knowledge is insufficient to success them for employment in town. They mainly work on their allocated three acres of land with other problems tagged along as the lands are located at sloppy and slumps area, as well as faced with low grade soil. For their agriculture productions, they are faced with marketing problem because of the established sellers who refused to allow them to get into the network. This research also humbly suggesting an alternative for settlers to improve their livelihood based on the available resources at the resettlement with the assistance of the state government, at least to initiate strategies for marketing. Settlers need "retooling" in many aspects of agriculture knowledge as that is what they have known best to build their livelihood. Government agencies should assist in terms of skill training related to effective methods to produce quality agriculture productions on their three acres of land. Horticulture should be encouraged on their three acres plot and this method has been carried out by the settlers in their swidden agriculture (slash and burns) at their former village areas. At the new settlement, the prospect of horticulture on pesticide free and organic food can be very encouraging. Methods The information and data for this research were obtained through formal and informal interviews, household survey, household in-depth interviews, and secondary data from available sources in prints, documents and internet. Questions for the interviews were formulated first based only on the research questions. At the field site, questions were expanded and added after numerous trial interviews with key informants to improve the questions before the real interviews were conducted. There were 55 household surveys, and from this survey, 20 households were selected randomly for the household in-depth interviews. The head of households were both male and female. Outline of the thesis This research is organized in chapters as the following summary: Chapter 1 provides the background information of the research area i.e. descriptively introduces Belaga, the region where Bakun Hydroelectric Project (BHEP) was implemented, the implementation of BHEP and the reaction of the local inhabitants. The resettlement in Sg. Asap, and the composition of the settlers are also discussed in this chapter. Chapter 2 touches the historical perspective of the Kenyah-Badeng focuses on their livelihoods at Long Geng, their former village before they resettled at Sg. Asap. This chapter also includes a brief history of their migration and settlement to Long Geng, and also the political structure in Long Geng. Chapter 3 discusses the power structure and relations of the Kenyah-Badeng. This chapter draws on the first stage of displacement i.e. processes of losing common property and space with prominent issues such as compensation, land rights and the expected involvement of local leaders in the whole process of the resettlement as highlights of the discussion. Brief history of land legislation in Sarawak based on the interpretation of Native Customary Land and native's rights over ancestral land based on literature reviews is illustrated in this chapter. The purpose of this illustration is to understand the background and general problems of land identification within the Kenyah-Badeng community prior to payment of compensation. Chapter 4 focuses on the discussion of the coping mechanisms employed by the settlers in handling crucial issues pertaining to their livelihood at the resettlement. In fact, this chapter continues the discussion of the stages of displacement highlighting the other two stages by discussing in-depth the situation of "loss of access to common property and space" and "social and community disarticulation". The headings of objectives outlined by State Planning Unit, Sarawak in the development plan of the resettlement are utilized as the base to explain the cause of the displacement and to illustrate the reality at present life of the Kenyah-Badeng. Chapter 5 focuses on the livelihood strategy in which family network is important as the platform for pooling resources. Departing from forced displacement, this chapter illustrates the emergence of coping reaction amongst the settlers by analyzing the family network discovered within the households interviewed in this research. Chapter 6 highlights the changing livelihood of the settlers highlighting the significant of wage employment where remittance is crucial to support their family who are living at the resettlement. The current perspective of settlers towards education and their willingness to invest into their children's education is also discussed in this chapter. Chapter 7 summarizes the research findings and concludes the research.

The Cambodia environment monitor 2008 is one of a series of environmental reports prepared for East Asian countries under an initiative sponsored by the World Bank. The objective of this series is to present a snapshot of environmental trends across a range of issues. The purpose of the monitor is to engage and inform interested stakeholders about key environmental changes in an easy to understand format accessible to a wide audience. This report identifies seven strategic priorities for the Royal government of Cambodia and its conservation partners. 1)articulate a clear and shared vision and re-commitment to conservation goals and objectives; 2)formalize a meaningful enabling legal and regulatory framework for management and protection of conservation areas; 3)formulate clear strategies for recognizing and improving community benefit sharing in conservation areas; 4) strengthen mechanisms for institutional coordination across the ministries; 5) adopt new approaches and paradigms for conservation areas management; 6) with donors, develop and secure sustainable sources of funding for conservation; and 7) reinforce the human resource capacity to implement and manage conservation areas.