In: Contexto internacional: revista semestral do Instituto de Relações Internacionais, IRI, Pontíficia Universidade Católica, PUC, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 141-169
In: Contexto internacional: revista semestral do Instituto de Relações Internacionais, IRI, Pontíficia Universidade Católica, PUC, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 701-734
The purpose of the article is scrutinize the Brazilian participation in the Gatt tariff negotiations of the Tokyo Round (1973-1979). It will be argued that there was a transition in the diplomat's beliefs about the potential benefits that Brazil could obtain in the multilateral trade negotiations. Nonetheless, this movement was not generalized within the state apparatus. Therefore, other governmental institutions precluded the implementation of Itamaraty's new strategy. References. Adapted from the source document.
The case of Western Sahara shows how the United Nations operates in the area of conflict resolution. In its efforts to reach an agreement, the United Nations are hostage to contrasting & multidimensional logics & interests which in turn make it very difficult to impose a settlement that is in accordance with international law. Adapted from the source document.
The historical document presented here was written on 7 Feb 1935 by the Portuguese Ambassador to Spain, Luiz Teixera de Sampayo. Addressed to the Portuguese Minister of Foreign Affairs, it constitutes an important testimonial of economic & political relations between Portugal & Spain, as well as of the current political situations in both countries, at that time. It was deposited in the Historical-Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after the ambassador's death. Adapted from the source document.
It is possible that a Democratic administration would not have followed a very different path from that of the present White House in the aftermath of September 11. But it seems indisputable that the former Governor of Texas has left his fingerprints on the exercise of American power. His most controversial decisions during these last eight years have pros & cons, but the most perilous consequence of the Bush era is the loss of the moral stature of the United States at a global level. Adapted from the source document.
In: Contexto internacional: revista semestral do Instituto de Relações Internacionais, IRI, Pontíficia Universidade Católica, PUC, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 655-699
For centuries, the Atlantic has played a role in the networking processes that have developed international economies & world superpowers. A kind of Atlantic solidarity persists into the modern era, exemplified by NATO & certain power structures within the UN. Economically, culturally & politically, the Atlantic has been instrumental in the development of a globalized world. In a sense, therefore, the Atlantic is a space without borders. Throughout the history of this Atlantic solidarity, which stretches back to the spread of European empires in the sixteenth century, the Atlantic has assumed a prominent romantic position in the European mind, a feeling that now persists on both sides of the Atlantic. Thus, there has always been an inherent conflict regarding how much of the concept of Atlantic space is real & how much is imaginary. R. Young
By looking into the relation between democratic political regimes, Alexis de Tocqueville sees that an increase of commerce & industry, the ever-growing equality among citizens & the fact that each nation in the international community increasingly resembles each other, makes it intolerable for the democratic man to resort to war. Democracies do not like war & they mistrust the military spirit. War becomes rarer. But when it finally arises, its intensity & scope are totally unusuaI. Tocqueville finds the causes of this paradox in the very nature of democratic armies as well as in the defense of democratic liberty & the fundamental equality of all human beings. He is convinced that to secure a moderate democracy, the main challenge of democratic nations in international relations is to find the right balance between self-interest & great political principles. Adapted from the source document.
After the sequence of structural adjustments decisions suggested by the IMF, Brazilian economy became wider opened, as the consequences from financial globalization were stronger than those from commercial globalization. Nevertheless, social and economical reality didn't show much improvement. On the contrary, figures on economic increase and inequalities show Brazil behind the average of developing countries. Even if the effects caused by "mondialisation" on weakened economies are well known, globalization can not be taken as the only guilty of weak economic increase, for maintaining the high level of inequalities or for the increase of precariousness. Responsibility must be searched on high inequalities in where operates "mondialisation", on weakness of public policies, on irresponsible way of opening of the economy and in fiscal policy in favor of financial sector. Other countries have reached quite different results, once they have adopted different public policies, which goal was to establish control and reduction upon the negatives effects of globalization. (Rev Econ Polit/GIGA)
This paper presents Latin American & Asian perspectives on the biofuels emerging industry. The Brazilian's possibilities of participation on this industry evolution & the involvement on the world trade for ethanol & biodiesel are discussed. Also, an investigation about who will be the main "strategic" partners of Brazil in this sector is made: the huge consumer markets of developed countries or the emerging & also hungry consumers of energy Asian economies? Tables, Graphs. Adapted from the source document.