In der zweiten Augustwoche 2008 entwickelte sich ein lokaler Konflikt in Südossetien unversehens zu einem Brandherd internationalen Maßstabs. Die Entscheidung der russischen Führung, den georgischen Angriff auf Südossetien mit einem massiven Truppeneinsatz zu beantworten und Georgiens missliebige Führung "zu bestrafen", löste eine internationale Krise aus.In den hier versammelten Kurzanalysen fragen die Autoren danach, wie die Kaukasus-Krise in den wichtigsten betroffenen Staaten und den internationalen Organisationen wahrgenommen wird, und welche Handlungsoptionen sich daraus ergeben. Dabei stehen drei Themen im Vordergrund - neben dem unmittelbaren Konfliktmanagement geht es um eine stabile europäische Friedensordnung auch über die Grenzen der EU hinaus, es geht um eine stärkere politische Integration der EU selbst und um die Bestimmung der Rolle der Nato in einem erweiterten Europa
Transnationale Proliferationsnetzwerke sind heute eine bedeutende Bedrohung für die internationale Sicherheit. Begünstigt durch die Globalisierung und das Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts treiben nichtstaatliche Akteure vermehrt illegalen Handel mit Nukleartechnologie und -expertise. Das bekannteste und wohl lange Zeit gefährlichste Proliferationsnetzwerk ist das sogenannte Khan-Netzwerk um den Pakistaner Abdul Qadeer Khan, das den Iran, Nordkorea, Libyen und möglicherweise weitere Staaten und nichtstaatlichen Akteure belieferte.Nach der Enttarnung des Khan-Netzwerks Ende 2003 wurden zahlreiche Maßnahmen eingeleitet, um das Nichtverbreitungsregime an die Herausforderung anzupassen, die von transnationalen Proliferationsnetzwerken ausgeht. In erster Linie richteten sich die Bemühungen auf die entsprechende Umarbeitung des multilateralen Nuklearexportkontrollsystems. Zudem wurde im Rahmen der Proliferation Security Initiative der Versuch unternommen, verdächtige Transfers vor allem auf dem Seeweg zu unterbinden. Obgleich bereits Fortschritte erzielt werden konnten, besteht nach wie vor dringender Handlungsbedarf.Die vorliegende Studie zeigt am Beispiel des Khan-Netzwerks, wie transnationale Proliferationsnetzwerke funktionieren und von welchen Bedingungen sie profitieren. Außerdem wird deutlich gemacht, welche Instrumente der internationalen Gemeinschaft derzeit zur Verfügung stehen, um solchen Geflechten entgegenzuwirken. Schließlich gibt die Studie Handlungsempfehlungen, wie diese Instrumente weiterentwickelt werden sollten
During the historical interval from 1989 to 2001, the nature of the enemy has changed. Previously, the enemy was known, stable and familiar. Today the enemy is evasive, strange and incomprehensible –but just as dangerous, if not more so–. During the historical interval from 1989 to 2001, the nature of the enemy has changed. Previously, the enemy was known, stable and familiar. Today the enemy is evasive, strange and incomprehensible –but just as dangerous, if not more so–. During the Cold War, all strategic threats were heavy, stable, slow, identifiable and almost familiar (the Warsaw Pact). Even the terrorist threat was stable and explicable (Abu Nidal). Now, on the contrary, terror offers but a fleeting glimpse of a brutal, irrational face, as with the Aum cult or the bin Laden networks. In our chaotic world, which real threats are we facing today? What has terrorism become?
This report focuses on current U.N. reform efforts and priorities from the perspective of several key actors, including the U.S. government, the U.N. Secretary-General, selected groups of member states, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and a cross-section of groups tasked with addressing U.N. reform. It also examines congressional actions related to U.N. reform, as well as future policy considerations.
International interventions in Chad, such as the European Eufor Chad, must address structural problems linked to governance and democracy by helping Chadian political actors to reform the country's social contract instead of focusing on preserving stability and, thus, becoming part of the problem and not of the solution. At the beginning of February 2008 a coalition of armed movements launched an attack on the Chadian capital N'Djamena from their Sudanese base and almost toppled the government of President Deby. The spectacular rebel offensive did not only take the Chadian government by surprise but also put the French military under enormous pressure. Their initial hesitation to support the Chadian army according to bilateral military agreements between the two countries was due to their concern not to jeopardise the neutrality of the Eufor, the European Force that, by that time, was supposed to be deployed in eastern Chad and the Central African Republic. Finally, backed by strong international support, the French military provided the Chadian army with the necessary intelligence and logistic tools to repulse the rebel assault. With these new developments, Deby's grip on power seems consolidated for the next few years. But are the prospects for peace also consolidated in Chad?; will President Deby transform his military victory into a more participative and inclusive ruling style?; and are international interventions contributing to structural stability in a particularly turbulent region? These are some of the questions this ARI attempts to address with the aim of shedding some light on the complexities of Chad's political crisis. It argues that in order to avoid being part of the problem, international interventions should aim to address the challenges linked to a failed democratisation by helping Chadian political actors to reform the country's social contract. Otherwise, well-intentioned and expensive peacekeeping operations will not achieve more than symbolic goals.
Defence date: 31 October 2008 ; Examining Board: Professor Chris Brown, LSE Professor Jan Klabbers, University of Helsinki Professor Friedrich Kratochwil (Supervisor) Professor Martin Scheinin, EUI ; First available online on 13 November 2018 ; The traditional debate concerning humanitarian intervention has changed since the publication of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) report. This thesis addresses both the debate before the publication of the R2P report and the report itself by examining in-depth the international responsibility, which the international community shares in relation to such grave humanitarian crises as genocide. It is argued that the debate before the R2P report made implicit assumptions about international responsibility. Moreover, international collective responsibility is examined both at a conceptual level and at a practical level, thus contributing to the discussion after the publication of the R2P report. It is argued that especially the conceptualization of international responsibility is lacking in the report, and this thesis suggests a conceptualization of international collective responsibility, which is then modeled in the second half of this thesis. Furthermore, the responsibility model and its functioning are illustrated first with the help of a thought experiment and then by examining the Rwandan genocide in 1994 and some of the international responses to the tragedy. The responsibility model serves also as a tool for evaluating the international responses, and thus the justifications of non-intervention are assessed. On a higher level this thesis contributes to an understanding of the functioning of international politics. For example, the thesis argues for a particular understanding of the international community as well as state practice within the community. Moreover, the thesis addresses some of the roles that states have and some of the expectations that we have of states at the international level. Finally, the use of discretion in practicing international politics is an underlying theme of this thesis, thus addressing both what is the politics in international politics and how it is or should be conducted.
This Article provides the first application of the emerging mixed jurisdiction jurisprudence to a comparative analysis of international law. Such a comparative law analysis is important today as the growth and increasing vitality of international juridical, administrative and legislative institutions is placing demands on international law not previously experienced. International law is unsure where to look for help in coping with these new stresses. In significant part this isolation can be attributed to a general view among international law scholars that international law is sui generis, and hence there is little to be gained from national legal systems. This Article seeks to rectify this problem by showing substantial congruence between international law and those national legal systems that may share many characteristics. The Article argues that those states that fit best with international law are those that have been classified as mixed jurisdictions. The result of this showing will be to open international law to the lessons leaned over the centuries by such mixed jurisdictions as Scotland, Louisiana, Quebec, South Africa and Israel.
Am 2./3. Mai 2008 wurde der Süden Birmas von dem Wirbelsturm »Nargis« verwüstet, mehr als 133 000 Menschen fanden dabei den Tod. Trotz der dramatischen Not der Überlebenden verweigerte die Militärregierung den internationalen Helfern drei Wochen lang die Einreise ins Land. Birmesische Lobbygruppen im Exil wie auch politische Entscheidungsträger in Europa forderten daher unter Berufung auf das Konzept der »Responsibility to Protect« ein humanitäres Eingreifen auch gegen den Willen der Regierung. Mit einer von den Vereinten Nationen (VN) und der ASEAN getragenen Geberkonferenz wurde hingegen am 25. Mai ein konsultativer Prozess angestoßen, der auf die Einbindung der birmesischen Regierung setzt. Diese Strategie scheint im Fall Birma gegenwärtig die zukunftsträchtigere Alternative zu sein
This is a game-theoretic analysis of the link between regime type and international conflict. The democratic electorate can credibly punish the leader for bad conflict outcomes, whereas the autocratic selectorate cannot. For the fear of being thrown out of office, democratic leaders are (i) more selective about the wars they initiate and (ii) on average win more of the wars they start. Foreign policy behaviour is found to display strategic complementarities. The likelihood of interstate war, therefore, is lowest in the democratic dyad (pair), highest in the autocratic dyad with the mixed dyad in between. The results are consistent with empirical findings.
If possible, it would be useful to enhance the International Atomic Energy Agency's (IAEA) ability to detect and prevent nuclear diversions. This would not only reduce the current risk of nuclear proliferation, it would make the further expansion of nuclear power much less risky. The question is what is possible? To date, little has been attempted to answer this basic question. Periodic reports by the U.S. Government Accountability Office and the IAEA have highlighted budgetary, personnel, and and administrative challenges that are facing the agency. There also has been a 2-year internal IAEA review of how existing IAEA safeguards procedures might be improved. None of these assessments, however, has tackled the more fundamental question of how well the IAEA is actually doing in achieving its nuclear material accountancy mission. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1067/thumbnail.jpg
If possible, it would be useful to enhance the International Atomic Energy Agency's (IAEA) ability to detect and prevent nuclear diversions. This would not only reduce the current risk of nuclear proliferation, it would make the further expansion of nuclear power much less risky. The question is what is possible? To date, little has been attempted to answer this basic question. Periodic reports by the U.S. Government Accountability Office and the IAEA have highlighted budgetary, personnel, and and administrative challenges that are facing the agency. There also has been a 2-year internal IAEA review of how existing IAEA safeguards procedures might be improved. None of these assessments, however, has tackled the more fundamental question of how well the IAEA is actually doing in achieving its nuclear material accountancy mission. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1017/thumbnail.jpg
A headline of the Venezuelean daily El Nacionalista, published June 16, 2008, read: 'Venezuela se negó a seguir de rodillas ante las pretensiones del gobierno norteamericano'. A few weeks before, on May 8, president Hugo Chávez himself had said that Venezuela 'would not watch crossed-armed' ('Venezuela no se quedará de brazos cruzados') while Bolivia was driven into territorial desintegration by imperialist forces. The image of Venezuela with her arms crossed is one of slovenliness and negligence, whilst the image of it on its knees is humiliating. They both generate outrage and the need to set things 'right'. This is only an example of the often unnoticed practical and theoretical consequences of the anthropomorphic language we all use when referring to states in terms of (for example) 'weak' and 'strong' actors who 'suffer', are 'honored', are 'humiliated', have 'pride' and aspire to 'glory'. This language obscures the fact that, oftentimes, when a weak state challenges a strong one at a great cost to itself, we are not witnessing an epic of courage (as might be the case when a weak individual challenges a strong one), but rather the sacrifice of the interests, welfare and sometimes even the lives of multitudes of poor people, to the vanity of their elite. The very fact that this is being obscured biases the value structure of international relations theory, which is not only not value-free, but often has totalitarian values unintendedly built into it.
Irregular migration is one of the fastest-growing forms of migration worldwide. For many countries it presents a serious challenge. It undermines state sovereignty, calls into question the legitimacy of government action, and brings with it numerous risks for state, social, and individual security. To reduce the number of irregular immigrants, many countries have invested significant sums of money in recent years to develop instruments of governance and control. Up until now, however, these efforts have failed to produce the desired results.The study examines this phenomenon from a global perspective. It explains why irregular migration has become a global problem, defines the concepts that are central to this issue and provides an overview of current trends. The study also addresses political challenges - particularly the challenge of governance and the problems and risks associated with irregular migration - and it describes the various instruments of governance and control used at the national level, and the (still largely rudimentary) regional and international approaches to solving the problem.Finally, the study offers recommendations for European policy-makers. As a basic principle, every effort to reduce irregular migration should be founded on clarity and realism. Since isolated, short-term national measures are not appropriate for curbing irregular migration on an ongoing basis, comprehensive, long-term, internationally coordinated approaches must be chosen to link the different domestic, foreign, and development policy instruments. It is also in the interest of the receiving countries to eliminate deficits in the human rights protection of irregular migrants. To this a number of specific recommendations for European policy makers are added
Provisions for citizen involvement in the assessment of potential environmental effects of certain plans, programmes and projects are present in current legislation. An international survey revealed that public participation is common practice in European and some other countries worldwide. However, a number of issues are observed to affect public involvement in EIA/SEA processes and expert opinion differs when evaluating the effectiveness of existing participative methods. Results suggest that technology-aided methods can improve traditional participation processes. In particular, GIS has the potential to increase community knowledge and enhance involvement by communicating information more effectively. Variable accessibility to technology and data quality remain issues. Combining technology with more conventional ways of gathering, evaluating and presenting data are seen as offering a solution to the need to promote the integration of public perceptions in environmental assessment procedures. Recommendations to improve current public participation methods and measures for making GIS available to the general public are provided.
Die Einführung einer aktivierenden Sozialpolitik ist das zentrale Merkmal der Reform moderner Wohlfahrtsstaaten seit den 1990er Jahren. Ein wesentliches Element dieser Politik ist die Implementierung von Aktivierungsmaßnahmen für erwerbsfähige Hilfeempfänger, die heute in den meisten Ländern obligatorischen Charakter haben. Ziel dieser "Aktivierenden Sozialpolitik" ist die Erwerbsintegration möglichst aller erwerbsfähigen Hilfeempfänger und ihre Unabhängigkeit von Sozialleistungen. Damit verschiebt sich im Spannungsfeld von De- und Rekommodifizierung der Arbeitskraft, durch das wohlfahrtsstaatliche Politiken stets gekennzeichnet sind, der Akzent hin zu einer verstärkten Rekommodifizierung. Darüber hinaus soll Aktivierung aber auch allgemein zur sozialen Inklusion insbesondere marginalisierter Gruppen beitragen. Bei allen weiterhin bestehenden Unterschieden ist dabei eine konvergente Entwicklung europäischer Wohlfahrtsstaaten zu beobachten. In deutlicher Diskrepanz zur politischen Bedeutung von Aktivierungsmaßnahmen steht das relativ geringe Wissen über ihre Wirkungen. Der vorliegende Bericht will am Beispiel von Großbritannien, den Niederlanden, Dänemark und Schweden, die verschiedene wohlfahrtsstaatliche Typen repräsentieren, einerseits die Zielrichtung und institutionelle Ausgestaltung von Aktivierungsprogrammen für Sozialhilfeempfänger und Langzeitarbeitslose beleuchten, andererseits einen Beitrag dazu leisten, die Forschungslücke hinsichtlich der Teilnahme an Aktivierungsmaßnahmen und ihrer Effekte auf den Abgang aus Leistungsbezug und den Übergang in Beschäftigung oder anderes zu schließen. Als Datenbasis für die Bewertung der Programmeffekte dienen 256 Evaluationsstudien aus den betrachteten Ländern. Die Ergebnisse zeigen zunächst, dass bereits die Zugänge zu Aktivierungsprogrammen selektiv sind: Personen mit multiplen Vermittlungshemmnissen haben geringere Chancen auf die Teilnahme an arbeitsmarktnahen Programmen. Der Abgang aus Leistungsbezug und der Übergang in Beschäftigung werden durch die Programmteilnahme positiv beeinflusst, jedoch sind die Nettoeffekte überwiegend gering. Als besonders wichtig erweist sich ein professionelles und unterstützendes Fallmanagement mit intensiver Betreuung der Arbeitsuche. Die stärksten Wiedereingliederungseffekte haben alle Formen subventionierter Beschäftigung, vor allem im privaten Sektor. Hilfesuchende mit multiplen Vermittlungshemmnissen haben nicht nur geringere Chancen auf Zugang zu effektiven Programmen, für sie hat die Teilnahme in Hinblick auf Unabhängigkeit von Sozialleistungen bzw. Erwerbsintegration auch geringere Wirkungen als für arbeitsmarktnahe Hilfeempfänger. Untersuchungen der Bewertung von Aktivierungsmaßnahmen durch die Teilnehmer zeigen jedoch gerade für diese Gruppen überwiegend deutliche Zustimmung. Selbst wenn keine Erwerbsintegration erreicht wird, werden Effekte im Sinne von Erhöhung des Selbstvertrauens, Zunahme sozialer Kontakte, Überwindung von Isolation oder Erlernen neuer Fähigkeiten ausgewiesen. Aktivierungsmaßnahmen tragen somit dazu bei, soziale Exklusion zu verhindern bzw. zu beseitigen und können dabei Erwerbsfähigkeit herstellen oder erhöhen.
