Suchergebnisse

The Indonesian economic quarterly reports on and synthesizes the past three month s key developments in Indonesia s economy. It places them in a longer-term and global context, and assesses their implications for the outlook for Indonesia s economic and social welfare. Its coverage ranges from the macro economy to financial markets to indicators of human welfare and development. Indonesia s economy appears to be broadly backed on track. Economic activity has been picking up, inflation has remained moderate, financial markets have risen, and the newly reelected government, having established the strong fundamentals that supported Indonesia through the global crisis, appears to be now gearing up for new investments in Indonesia s physical infrastructure, human services and institutions of state. Indonesia seems well-positioned to get back on its pre-crisis growth trajectory, with the possibility of further acceleration and more inclusive growth. The sustainability of the global recovery is still not entirely clear and portfolio flows into emerging markets, which have surged in the last nine months, may as easily be reversed as policy makers elsewhere move to unwind the large monetary and fiscal stimulus efforts initiated over the last year.

Inhaltsangabe: Introduction: The intensified globalisation and increased interconnectedness of the business world let emerge a new virtual form of work that operates with cross-cultural virtual teams (CCVTs). Hence, communication takes place increasingly across cultures, which lets culture emerge as an important factor in business, and constitutes one of the most significant limits for CCVTs. Despite these limits, quick dissemination of knowledge within a company has become one of the most crucial resources for competitive advantage, which many organisations have only just begun to understand. Therefore, CCVTs are required to effectively share knowledge in order to complete their projects successfully. Furthermore, researchers' recommendations about future virtual team research concern both 'development of new theories and explicit identification of the appropriation of existing theories'. They further affirm that in spite of several researchers coming to similar conclusions, the development of new theories about virtual teams has been little advanced. Information is needed about how to ensure the efficient flow of knowledge, scattered around the globe, among members of CCVTs in organisations, which, in the following text are understood as business organisations, to become and stay competitive in the global market. Thus, it seems to be an interesting theoretical and practical question to analyse people's experiences made in the CCVT environment with the aim towards building a theoretical framework that explains knowledge sharing (KS) between people in CCVTs. OBJECTIVES: The research aims to fulfill three objectives. Firstly, it intends to provide an approach to a theoretical framework based on the Grounded Theory Method, about how knowledge is shared among members in teams that communicate across different cultures via virtual communication channels (VCCs). Thereby the focus is not directed on KS in information technology or cognitive psychology. Instead, it aims to identify problem areas and solution possibilities concerning behavioural aspects of people in CCVTs. Secondly, by elaborating the solution possibilities, the paper shall give guidance for good practice of KS in CCVTs in order to be of practical use for people working in the virtual environment. Thirdly, the results shall inspire future research to tackle interesting questions that arose from or were left open in this research. STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS: Introduced by the purpose, objectives, structure, and definitions on KS, CCVTs, and culture, the thesis continues onto the second chapter about the used methodology, the Grounded Theory Method, on which's basis the study has been conducted. The third chapter describes and discusses the obtained results. The tentative theoretical model, comprising the findings of chapter three, is presented in the fourth chapter, followed by the fifth chapter, which provides a literature review, conducted in order to reinforce and add to the actual findings. The sixth chapter outlines the limitations of the study and comes up with ideas for future research. To conclude, the thesis provides a short summary.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: ACKNOWLEDGEMENTI ABSTRACTII INDEX TO CONTENTSIII ABBREVIATIONSVII LIST OF FIGURESVIII LIST OF TABLESIX 1.INTRODUCTION1 1.1PURPOSE1 1.2OBJECTIVES1 1.3STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS2 1.4DEFINITIONS2 1.4.1KNOWLEDGE SHARING (KS)2 1.4.2CROSS-CULTURAL VIRTUAL TEAMS (CCVTs)3 1.4.3CULTURE4 2.METHODOLOGY6 2.1RESEARCH DESIGN6 2.2RESEARCH PROCESS7 2.2.1DATA COLLECTION7 2.2.2ANALYTICAL PROCEDURES11 2.3ALTERNATIVE TO A LITERATURE REVIEW12 2.4STRAUSS'S AND GLASER'S DIFFERENT APPROACHES TO THE GTM13 3.RESULTS16 3.1FIVE COUNTERACTING FACTORS TO THE BREAKTHROUGH OF THE CROSS-CULTURAL VIRTUAL (CVV) BARRIER16 3.1.1INEFFECTIVE USE OF VIRTUAL COMMUNICATION CHANNELS (VCCs)17 3.1.1.1INAPPROPRIATE USE OF VCCs17 3.1.1.2INEFFECTIVENESS OF VCCs ACCORDING TO PEOPLE'S EXPECTATIONS18 3.1.1.3NON-AVAILABILITY OF CERTAIN VCCs19 3.1.1.4NON-USE OF VCCs DESPITE AVAILABILITY20 3.1.2TIME DIFFERENCES21 3.1.3INSUFFICIENT FOREIGN LANGUAGE SKILLS OF CCVT MEMBERS22 3.1.4UNSHARED PERCEPTIONS OF REALITY23 3.1.5LACK OF COMPANY SUPPORT OF CCVTs26 3.1.6INTERMEDIATE SUMMARY27 3.2A NEGATIVE SPIRAL AS A CONSEQUENCE OF THE FIVE COUNTERACTING FACTORS27 3.2.1REDUCED TRANSMISSION OF CONTEXT27 3.2.1.1REDUCED TRANSMISSION OF CONTEXT DUE TO INEFFECTIVE USE OF VCCs28 3.2.1.2REDUCED TRANSMISSION OF CONTEXT DUE TO TIME DIFFERENCES30 3.2.1.3REDUCED TRANSMISSION OF CONTEXT DUE TO INSUFFICIENT FOREIGN LANGUAGE SKILLS30 3.2.1.4REDUCED TRANSMISSION OF CONTEXT DUE TO LACK OF KNOWLEDGE ABOUT UNSHARED PERCEPTIONS OF REALITY30 3.2.2CONSEQUENCES OF REDUCED TRANSMISSION OF CONTEXT31 3.2.3INTERMEDIATE SUMMARY32 3.3A POSITIVE SPIRAL AS A CONSEQUENCE OF THINKING AND ACTING FROM A CCV PERSPECTIVE – GUIDANCE FOR GOOD PRACTICE33 3.3.1COMPANY SUPPORT FOR SUCCESSFUL KS IN CCVTs34 3.3.1.1INTEGRATION OF CCVTs INTO THE ORGANISATION34 3.3.1.2PROVISION OF VIRTUAL, CROSS-CULTURAL, AND LANGUAGE TRAINING34 3.3.1.3PROVISION OF ESSENTIAL VCCs AND TRAVEL BUDGET35 3.3.2MANAGEMENT FOR SUCCESSFUL KS IN CCVTs36 3.3.2.1PROVISION OF CLEAR STRUCTURE AND RULES OF THE GAME36 3.3.2.2MANAGING DIFFERENT TIME ZONES37 3.3.2.3HUMANISING THE VIRTUAL WORK ENVIRONMENT37 3.3.2.4CREATING EFFICIENT CCVT MEETINGS38 3.3.3SELECTING FOR SUCCESSFUL KS IN CCVTs39 3.3.3.1SELECTION CRITERIA FOR CCVT WORKERS39 3.3.3.2RESTRICTIONS AND OPPORTUNITIES IN SELECTION PROCESSES42 3.3.3.3WHAT IS IN IT FOR CCVT WORKERS42 3.3.4LEADERSHIP FOR SUCCESSFUL KS IN CCVTs43 3.3.5TRAINING FOR SUCCESSFUL KS IN CCVTs45 3.3.5.1CREATING A COMMON BASIS FOR THE MEMBERS OF A CCVT46 3.3.5.2EFFECTIVE USE OF VCCs49 3.3.6INTERMEDIATE SUMMARY51 4.MODEL OF KS IN CCVTs AND TENTATIVE HYPOTHESIS53 5.COMPARISON OF THE EMERGED THEORETICAL APPROACH TO RELATED LITERATURE56 6.LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH63 7.CONCLUSION63 BIBLIOGRAPHY65 APPENDICES70 APPENDIX A: APPLICATION OF STRAUSS'S AND GLASER'S APPROACHES IN THIS WORK70 APPENDIX B: THE RESEARCH PROCESS EXPERIENCED AS A CIRCULAR PROCESS72 APPENDIX C: THE EMERGENCE OF THE CCV BARRIER73 APPENDIX D: THE FINDINGS OF ROSEN ET AL, (2007)74Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3.1.4, UNSHARED PERCEPTIONS OF REALITY: The fourth counteracting factor is that people in CCVTs have unshared perceptions of reality. In order to understand this factor in more detail, the idea of unshared perceptions of reality between individuals from different places, along with expectations from external environments, shall be explained in the following, before coming to deliberations about the fourth factor as such. Due to geographical distance, traditionally, groups that were located at one place, had tendentially the same cultural characteristics. This relates to the idea of national culture that describes the culture of people from a particular geographical place. By the rise of the internet, however, providing the opportunity of connecting with various groups across the globe, as well as the opportunity to travel, it could be said that people are becoming more and more influenced by different ways of perceiving the world. Consequently, national culture was mentioned to be only one of several types of culture that had an impact on the different perceptions of reality of CCVT members and consequently on their personalities. In the context of CCVT work therefore, it is advisable to look at the personalities of individuals, who are influenced by multiple cultures by being part of different groups. So it was, for example, assumed that there existed city-cultures which combined the culture of all those people living in megacities across the globe, which could be kind of a new international culture. It was also mentioned that groups of professionals, and even different generations, had their own cultures. However, national culture was mentioned to having to be considered when CCVTs had to deal with groups of people from different countries. In this case, these groups consisted of individuals who shared the same perceptions of reality, and imposed on them external expectations to which they had to conform. An individual, dealing with such a group, had to obviously adapt to their expectations when communicating with them. A related example was given by an interviewee who had experience in collaboration between companies with low hierarchies and such with high hierarchies. He explained the situation and how they overcame the barrier of different realities: '… if CCVTs have an Asian in the team, due to their hierarchical system, it is as if the direct superior of the Asian team member, to whom he feels committed, would be within the team as well. And so, he always has to make sure that his superior gives his blessings to what he agrees on in the team. Therefore the CCVT leader has to somehow integrate this superior into the team as well, and has to consider his opinion'. It becomes obvious, to which external constraints individuals in such an environment have to subject. Additionally, any team member who had to communicate with the CCVT member in the strongly hierarchical company was, as well, connected to a certain degree with the tacit and explicit rules and policies the Asian team member had to comply with, which restricted open and spontaneous KS in the team. It was confirmed by interviewees that KS is much dependent on organisational culture. In this case it seems that the organisational structure and culture was influenced by the Asian national culture. At the same time, organisational culture can be influenced by the particular industry or their traditional values, even if the external environment had already changed. Organisational culture was thereby mentioned to play a major role in KS and could be understood as the shared perceptions of reality among people within an organisation. So, it was stated that there were differences between organisations, such as in their particular values and traditions. If for example, an organisation was more individualistic oriented, it was said that KS would be done less deliberately than if there was a collectivistic culture, with reward systems such as group bonuses. Organisations develop their individual shared perceptions of reality, influenced by their founders, the structure of the surrounding environment, and external and internal stakeholders. Therefore, organisations are influenced by external factors such as traditional values, political systems, infrastructure, and competitive environments, and by internal factors such as the individuals who join the organisation, who either adapt to the company's shared perceptions of reality, or not, but still permanently add new influence. Furthermore, organisations are exposed to permanent change, and so, always try to match the company's strategic goal to the best available external trend. This can require changing particular aspects of perceiving reality. Thereby, it is critical, how willing and able organisations are to change their perception of reality in order to adapt to these changes. In addition, size and structure of organisations have an impact. Larger companies might for example not be as flexible as smaller companies, which could have an impact on their culture, and consequently display more conservative, or in contrast, more innovative aspects. Referring to structure, hierarchically structured organisations would obviously cause different perceptions of reality, and consequently different values and behaviours among the employees, than companies with horizontal structures, where open door policies for example, would obviously be possible, whereas in hierarchical structure they would not. By coming back to the fourth factor of unshared perceptions of reality, it was reported, that individuals had totally different approaches and perspectives about what is important to be communicated. So, for example, in a kick-off meeting of a CCVT composed of people from two different branches of an organisation, a presentation, which focused straight on the project outcomes, was presented by the group from one branch to the group from the other. The listeners however, expected detailed information about the process of the actual project instead of hearing an entertaining presentation about intended results. Consequently, they were confused about the presenters. They started to mistrust them by supposing that the presenters would not know much about how to manage the process. It can be assumed that there thought pattern needed the information about the process, and could not be convinced by being presented intended outcomes. It was reported that this incident affected trust building in this CCVT. A further point was that people solved conflicts according to their particular perceptions of reality. For example, it was reported, that individuals who were much concerned about the well-being of their colleagues wrote long emails with a lot of relationship-related content in order to establish a good atmosphere. Some of their colleagues however, were more concerned about achieving quick results, and therefore upset about such long emails with 'irrelevant" information. They consequently wrote back very short task-related texts, which again offended their communication partners. The conflict solving process proceeded contrarily to a successful conflict solving procedure. Since the relationship-oriented individuals thought they had failed in achieving a good atmosphere due to being too little concerned about the relationship, they started to write even longer emails. In contrast, the result-oriented individuals wrote even shorter texts. Both sides became more and more confused about the effect they caused with their behaviour, which were opposed to the effects they intended to cause. This showed how two individuals, who valued exactly the opposite things, and tried to solve conflicts accordingly, intensified conflicts instead of solving them, which obviously restrict KS in CCVTs.

After a century of political centralization in Colombia, the first public election of city mayors in 19861 began a decentralization trend, which was later reinforced by a constitutional reform in 1991. Subnational governments (departments and municipalities) were made responsible for the planning and management of social and economic development in their jurisdictions. Administrative and political reforms were accompanied by fiscal decentralization, including the transfer of central government revenues. Since 1991 the growth of fiscal transfers has accelerated. Departments and municipalities are now responsible for public health, education, water supply, and sanitation expenditures through earmarked transfers. Out of the total amount of central government expenditures (21.8 percent of GDP (Gross Domestic Product) in 2008) almost one-quarter represent regional transfers (5 percent of GDP), which finance half of all regional expenditures (10.2 percent of GDP). The purpose of this paper is to describe the budget process reform implemented in Medellin, and to analyze its actual performance and evaluate its success. The reform is changing the way public resources are allocated and executed, while gradually institutionalizing supply and demand-side practices beyond the government's political cycles. This paper describes and analyzes how the Results-oriented budgeting (RoB) was designed and implemented, and the achievements of the system to date, in terms of resource allocation and the policy-making process.

Author's IntroductionOver the last 25 years, the environmental justice movement has emerged from its earliest focus on US social movements combating environmental racism to an influential global phenomenon. Environmental justice research has also undergone spectacular growth and diffusion in the last two decades. From its earliest roots in sociology, the field is now firmly entrenched in several different academic disciplines including geography, urban planning, public health, law, ethnic studies, and public policy. Environmental justice refers simultaneously to a vibrant and growing academic research field, a system of social movements aimed at addressing various environmental and social inequalities, and public policies crafted to ameliorate conditions of environmental and social injustice. Academia is responding to this social problem by offering courses under various rubrics, such as 'Race, Poverty and the Environment, Environmental Racism, Environmental Justice', 'Urban Planning, Public Health And Environmental Justice', and so on. Courses on environmental justice offer students opportunities to critically and reflexively explore issues of race and racism, social inequality, social movements, public/environmental health, public policy and law, and intersections of science and policy. Integrating modules on environmental justice can help professors engage students in action research, service learning, and more broadly, critical pedagogy.This article offers an overview of the current state of the field and offers a range of resources for teaching concepts of environmental racism, inequality and injustice in the classroom.Author recommendsPellow, D. and R. Brulle 2005. Power, Justice and the Environment : a Critical Appraisal of the Environmental Justice Movement. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.The primary focus of this edited collection is to offer a 'Critical Appraisal' of the environmental justice movement. The articles in this book are strong, focused on broad areas of: critical assessment, new strategies, and the challenge of globalization.Downey, L. and B. Hawkins 2008. 'Race, Income, and Environmental Inequality in the United States.'Sociological Perspectives51: 759–81.This article is an effective overview of the current sociological literature on environmental inequality using quantitative methods.L. Cole and S. Foster 2001. From the Ground Up: Environmental Racism and the Ris of the Environmental Justice Movement. New York: New York University PressThe primary focus of this book is an overview of the US Environmental Justice Movement. Unique in itself, the authors, an activist lawyer and law professor, offer a well‐written overview of the movement.Taylor, Dorceta E. 2000. 'The Rise of the Environmental Justice Paradigm: Injustice Framing and the Social Construction of Environmental Discourses.'American Behavioral Scientist43: 508–80.A leading environmental justice scholar discusses the issue of injustice framing.Morello‐Frosch, R. A. 2002. 'Discrimination and the Political Economy of Environmental Inequality.'Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20(2002): 477–96.In a critique that focuses on the political economy of place, geography, and ethnic studies, Morello‐Frosch integrates relevant social and legal theories with a spatialized economic critique to formulate a more supple theory of environmental discrimination that focuses on historical patterns of industrial development and racialized labor markets, suburbanization and segregation, and economic restructuring.Pastor, Manuel, Rachel Morello‐Frosch, James Sadd, Carlos Porras and Michele Prichard 2005. 'Citizens, Science, and Data Judo: Leveraging Secondary Data Analysis to Build a Community‐Academic Collaborative for Environmental Justice in Southern California,' in Methods For Conducting Community‐Based Participatory Research For Health, edited by Barbara A. Israel, Eugenia Eng, Amy J. Schulz and Edith A. Parker. San Francisco, CA: Jossey‐Bass.Exemplary reflexive analysis of the power of research as intervention in environmental justice struggles.Online materials

 25 stories from the Central Valley: http://twentyfive.ucdavis.edu
 Environmental Justice Resource Center at Clark Atlanta: http://www.ejrc.cau.edu/
 US EPA Environmental Justice: http://www.epa.gov/environmentaljustice/
 Environmental Justice of Field Studies: University of Michigan: http://sitemaker.umich.edu/environmentaljusticefieldstudies/home
 Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment: http://www.crpe‐ej.org/
 National Black Environmental Justice Network: http://www.nbejn.org/
 Environmental Justice and Climate Change Initiative: http://www.ejcc.org/
 Environmental Justice Project: http://ej.ucdavis.edu/

Sample syllabus





Ethnic Studies 103: Environmental Racism


Fall 2008


Instructor: Traci Brynne Voyles


Contact Information:
tvoyles@ucsd.edu


Office Hours: Monday, Wednesday 11:00‐12:30, SSB 240 and by appointment


Purpose: This course is designed to explore issues germane to environmental racism and environmental injustice, particularly focusing on the theoretical and material implications of social constructions of identity (race, class, gender, sexuality, etc.) and nature that lead to the degradation of racialized environments, bodies, and communities. In this course, we will explore case studies of environmental injustice, theories of body, space, nation, and colonialism; and think through possibilities for resistance, sovereignty, and environmental justice. The course materials are derived from ethnic studies, environmental justice studies, and feminist theory to provide multiple interdisciplinary perspectives on the state of race, inequality, and environment.


Logistics: You can reach me by email, in my office hours, or by appointment at any time during the quarter. I respond to students' emails by 10 am every weekday; I do not answer students' emails on weekends.


 I do not accept late assignments or assignments submitted electronically.


 This syllabus is subject to change; any changes will be announced well in advance in class or by email.


 Please refer to the UCSD Principles of Community (http://www.ucsd.edu/principles) for guidelines on standards of conduct and respect in the classroom. I reserve the right to excuse anyone from my classroom at any time for violating these principles.


Required Texts


1. Luke Cole and Sheila Foster, From the Ground Up: Environmental Racism and the Rise of the Environmental Justice Movement, NYU Press, 2000.


2. Andrea Smith, Conquest: Sexual Violence and American Indian Genocide, South End Press, 2005.


3. Rachel Stein, Ed., New Perspectives on Environmental Justice: Gender, Sexuality, and Activism, Rutgers University Press, 2004.


4. Al Gedicks, Resource Rebels: Native Challenges to Mining and Oil Corporations, South End Press, 2001.


5. Ana Castillo, So Far from God, Tandem Library Books, 1994.


These texts are available on campus at Groundwork Books.


Assignments and Evaluation


 30 points: Attendance and reading responses


 20 points: Unit 1 Case Study Project and Paper


 20 points: Unit 2 Paper


 10 points: The View from UCSD Project


 20 points: Unit 3 Paper


Unit 1 Project For this project, you will work both in a group (4 people MAX) and individually. Ten points will be earned by doing a group presentation of your assigned case, explaining to the class in 4–6 minutes the who, what, when, where, and how of your case. Your group will produce a 1 page, bullet‐pointed informative analysis of the case in a style that could or would be distributed publicly. NO POWERPOINTS OR MEDIA THAT DOES NOT FIT ONTO THE 1 PAGE—on the 1 page, however, you can use graphics to convey major points about the case.


 The remaining 10 points will be earned by turning in a 500‐word paper that links this case to the course readings and lectures. A prompt for this paper will be distributed one week before it is due.


Unit 2 Paper (1000–1250 words) The prompt for this paper will be distributed one week before it is due. The prompt will require you to critically analyze course readings, lectures, and discussions from Unit 2.


The View from UCSD For this project, you will present a creative project of your choosing that explores themes of environmental racism and injustice from your viewpoint – that is, of a UCSD student. What is the relationship of UCSD as an academic institution to environmental injustice? How can (or how have) UCSD students contest and resist the perpetuation or funding of environmental injustices by their academic institutions? This project can be poetry, visual art, activist literature (i.e. brochures, web sites, pamphlets, etc.), political cartoons, activist alert bulletins, journalistic articles or photographic essays, etc.


Unit 3 Paper (1000‐1250 words) The prompt for this paper will be distributed one week before it is due. The prompt will require you to think cumulatively about the course and apply materials and key themes from Units 1 and 2 to the readings, lectures, and discussions from Unit 3.


Unit 1: What's the Problem Here? Case Studies in Environmental Racism and Environmental Injustice In this unit, we will explore cases of environmental injustice through four major frameworks that will be used throughout the course:


 1. The social construction of identity and power (of race/racism, gender/patriarchy, sexuality/heteronormativity, etc.);


 2. The intersectionality of identity and power;


 3. The relationality of privilege and inequality; and


 4. The transnational or global nature of modern political–economic structures


9/26 Fri: 1st DAY – Introductions


 No reading due


Week 1 ER Frameworks: Race, Gender, Sexuality, and Nation


9/29 Mon:


 Cole and Foster, pp. 1–33


10/1 Wed:


 Cole and Foster, pp. 34–53


10/3 Fri:


 Cole and Foster, pp. 54–79


Week 2 Relationality and Globalization


10/6 Mon:


 Cole and Foster, pp. 80–102


10/8 Wed:


 Cole and Foster, pp. 103–133


10/10 Fri:


 Cole and Foster, pp. 134–166


Week 3


10/13 Mon: Environmental Racism Case Studies


 Due: Unit 1 case study project and paper


Unit 2: A User's Guide to Environmental Justice Studies: Analytic Frameworks and Theoretical Possibilities This unit moves us from the material effects of environmental racism and injustice to the analytic frameworks and theoretical possibilities of environmental justice studies. In this unit, we will read, discuss, and develop theories about how racialization and naturalization work together, what role the environment plays in colonial encounters, and how to re‐imagine what we mean by 'nature', 'race', and 'body'.


10/15 Wed:


 Stein, pp. xiii‐20


10/17 Fri: ss


 Stein, pp. 21–62


Week 4 Ecocriticism


10/20 Mon:


 Stein, pp. 63–77


10/22 Wed:


 Stein, pp. 78–108


10/24 Fri:


 Stein, pp. 109–138


Week 5 Colonialism


10/27 Mon:


 Stein, pp. 225–248


10/29 Wed:


 Smith, pp. ix‐34


10/31 Fri:


 Smith, pp. 55–78


Week 6 Indigeneity and Sovereignty


11/3 Mon:


 Smith, pp. 137–176


11/5 Wed:


 Smith, pp. 177–192


11/7 Fri:


 Due: Unit 2 paper


UNIT 3: Decolonize This! Modes of Resistance to Environmental Injustice This unit is dedicated to the all‐important question of where to go from here? Now that we understand the material and theoretical ins and outs of environmental racism and injustice, how can and how is it being contested, resisted, and undone?


Week 7 Social Movements


11/10 Mon:


 Geddicks, pp. vi‐14


11/12 Wed:


 Geddicks, pp. 15–40


11/14 Fri:


 Geddicks, pp. 127–158


Week 8 The Politics and Poetics of EJ Resistance


11/17 Mon:


 Geddicks, pp. 159–180


11/19 Wed:


 Geddicks, pp. 181–202


11/21 Fri:


 Castillo, pp. TBA


Week 9 Poetics


11/24 Mon:


 Castillo, pp. TBA


11/26 Wed: NO CLASS


11/28 Fri: NO CLASS


Week 10 Conclusions and EJ Futures


12/1 Mon:


 Castillo, pp. TBA


12/3 Wed:


 Castillo, pp. TBA


12/5 Fri: LAST DAY—Conclusions


 Due: View from UCSD Project



Unit 3 Paper due on or before Tuesday, December 9, at 11am, in my office (SSB 240)



Guidelines for written assignments:


*Please note: more specific requirements for content, quality, and style will be included with each prompt.


The three papers required for this course must be:


 –Typed


 –Stapled


 –Submitted on time


Please include a header with:


 –Your name


 –The name of the assignment (e.g. 'Unit 2 Paper')


 –A word count


Please do not include:


 –A title


 –The assignment prompt


Majoring or Minoring in Ethnic Studies at UCSD


Many students take an Ethnic Studies course because the topic is of great interest or because of a need to fulfill a social science, non‐contiguous, or other college requirement. Often students have taken three or four classes out of 'interest' yet have no information about the major or minor and don't realize how close they are to a major, a minor, or even a double major. An Ethnic Studies major is excellent preparation for a career in law, public policy, government and politics, journalism, education, public health, social work, international relations, and many other careers. If you would like information about the Ethnic Studies major or minor at UCSD, please contact Yolanda Escamilla, Ethnic Studies Department Undergraduate Advisor, at 858‐534‐3277 or yescamilla@ucsd.edu.




OptionalFocus questions

 What are the roots of environmental inequality? What are the major policy debates within the field of environmental justice?
 How has environmental justice academic writing and environmental justice activism changed since the 1980s? What accounts for these changes?
 What are the relationships between academic research, environmental justice, and the politics of knowledge production, more broadly? How are these relationships complicated by factors such as race, class, and gender?
 What challenges do researchers interested in environmental justice face and why?
 What are the challenges faced by environmental justice activists that can be informed by EJ research?

Seminar/project idea25 Stories Project: Teaching Tools available in the Summer 2009 http://www.twentyfive.ucdavis.edu Use these teaching tools to introduce the environmental justice movement in classroom settings. Tools may be used individually or in combination with one another.Below, you will see that we have organized the tools by the intended purpose of the activity. In considering which to use, it may be helpful to look over the 'Why Do It' section of the directions for the tool you are looking at for an indication of how this activity might fit within your course material.






Purpose
Teaching tool




Getting to know the group's experience of the environment
Share squares
Environmental experience in pictures
Circles of my self


Defining environmental justice
Where is the environment and what do people do there? Environmental justice defined


Researching your place in the environment
Mapping your community
My town, your town
Data detective


Learning from the life‐stories of others
Environmental justice stories
Circles of my self




Combining tools for lesson planningEach teaching tool fits into one (or more) of the categories above. Combine tools from different categories to create lesson plans for your class or workshop.For example, in a 50‐min class session you could combine the following tools:

Help the group get to know each other with 'Share squares'.
Explore various understandings of the environment with 'Where is the environment and what do people do there?' and then
Analyze women's real‐life experiences with stories and questions relevant to your class with 'Environmental Justice Stories'.

A general equilibrium modeling approach is used to estimate the effects within Indonesia of unilateral and global trade liberalization, including effects on poverty incidence. It is concluded that global reform of trade policy in all commodities is a significant potential source of poverty reduction for Indonesia. The poor rural and urban have a strong interest in global trade policy reform. If Indonesia were to liberalize unilaterally, poverty incidence also will decline but the effect is small. If liberalization is confined to agricultural products, the effects are similar but the declines in poverty incidence within Indonesia are much smaller.

In this dissertation, we are mainly interested in the interactions between poverty and one of its greatest dimensions1, namely health. More specifically, we will focus on their inequalities: does poverty inequality have more effect on poverty than health level? Does health inequality matter to poverty? Poverty and health are two related concepts that both express human deprivation. Health is said to be one of the most important dimensions of poverty and vice-versa. That is, poverty implies poor health because of a low investment in health, a bad environment and sanitation and other living conditions due to poverty, a poor nutrition (thus a greater risk of illness), a limited access to, and use of, health care, a lower health education and investment in health, etc2. Conversely, poor health leads inevitably to poverty due to high opportunity costs occasioned by ill-health such as unemployment or limited employability (thus a loss of income and revenues), a lower productivity (due to loss of strength, skills and ability), a loss of motivation and energy (which lengthen the duration of job search), high health care expenditures (or catastrophic expenditures), etc3. But what are the degree of correlation and the direction of the causality between these two phenomena? Which causes which? This is a classic problem of simultaneity that has become a great challenge for economists. Worst, each of these phenomena (health and poverty) has many dimensions4. How to reconcile two multidimensional and simultaneous events? 1 Aside the income-related material deprivation. 2 Tenants of the ?Absolute Income? hypothesis for instance show that absolute income level of individual has positive impact on their health status (Preston, 1975; Deaton, 2003). Conversely, lack of income (and the poverty state it implies) leads unambiguously to poor health. For other authors, it is not the absolute level per se, but the relative level (i.e. comparably to others in the society) that impacts most health outcomes. This is the ?Relative Income? hypothesis (see van Doorslaer and Wagstaff, 2000, for a summary). 3 See Sen (1999) and more recently Marmot (2001) for more information. 4 Poverty could be seen as monetary poverty, human poverty, social poverty, etc. Identically, one talks of mental health, physical health, ?positive? and ?negative? health, etc. So a one-on-one causality could not possibly exits between the two, or will be hard to establish. We?ve chosen the first way of causality: that is, poverty (and inequality) causes poor health. As justification, we consider a life-cycle theory approach (Becker, 1962). An individual is born with a given stock of health. This stock is supposed to be adequate enough. During his life, this stock is submitted to depreciation due to health shocks and aging (Becker?s theory, 1962). We could think that the poorer you are, the more difficult is your capacity to invest in your health5. Empirically, many surveys (too numerous to be enumerated here) show that poor people6 do have worse health status (that is, high mortality and morbidity rates, poor access to health services, etc.). It has been established that poor children are less healthy worldwide, independently of the region or country considered. It is generally agreed that the best way to improve the health of the poor is through pro-poor growth policies and redistribution. Empirically, one of the major achievements of these last two decades in developing countries is the improvement in health status of populations (notably the drop in mortality rates and higher life expectations) following periods of (sustained) economic growth. However, is this relation always true? In some countries as we will see later in this thesis, while observing an improvement in the population?s welfare, the converse is observed in its health status, or vice versa. If health and poverty are so closely related, they should theoretically move in the same direction. But the fact that in some countries we observe opposite trends suggests that some dimensions of health and poverty are not or may not be indeed so closely related, as postulated, and that they may depend of other factors. 1. The Purpose of the Study. 5 Another justification is that many authors have studied the problem the other way. Schultz and Tansel (1992, 1997) for instance showed that ill-health causes a loss of revenues in rural Cote d?Ivoire. Audibert, Mathonnat et al. (2003) also showed that malaria caused a loss of earnings of rural cotton producers in Cote d?Ivoire. 6 Usually defined from some income or expenditure-related metric or some assets-based metric. The ultimate goal of our dissertation in its essence is to measure inequality in health7 in developing countries using mainly Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS, henceforth)8. It deals with interactions between poverty and one of its greatest dimensions, putting aside the income-related material deprivation, namely health. It therefore measures inequality in health status and access to health and discusses which policies should be implemented to correct these inequalities. That is, it aims to see how much rich people are better off and benefit from health interventions, as compared to the poor, and how to reduce such an inequality. The present dissertation contains four papers that are related to these questions. Our main hypothesis (that will be tested) is that poverty impacts health through inequality effects9. Graphically, we can lay these simple relationships as: The dashed line in the figure above suggests that income inequality could impact health directly. But we consider that this direct effect is rather small or negligible, as compared to the indirect effect through inequality in health. Therefore, inequality in health is central to our discussion. To measure inequalities in health, we face three challenges: 7 And corollary health sanitation (access to safe water, toilet and electricity). Though electricity is more a measure of economic development that health measure per se, we add it here as a control for sanitation and nutrition: for example women could read more carefully the drugs? notices, or warm more quickly foods; more generally, electricity often improves the mental and material wellbeing of households. It also conditions health facility?s performance. 8 And potentially other surveys. In this case, we mention explicitly the survey(s). 9 The other important factor that could impact health is the performance of the health system. This is discussed in the Chapter 3. Health Assets Inequality Health Inequality Poverty (Assets Index) - measuring welfare (income metric) and subsequently inequality in welfare, - measuring health, - and measuring inequality in health. The measurements can be conducted using two approaches (Sahn, 2003): - Directly by ranking the households or individuals vis-à-vis their performance in the health indicator; we thus have a direct measure of inequality in health. This is suitable when the health indicator is continuous (such as weight, height or body mass index). According to Prof. David E. Sahn, that approach ?which has been referred to as the univariate approach to measuring pure health inequality, involves making comparisons of cardinal or scalar indicators of health inequality and distributions of health, regardless of whether health is correlated with welfare measured along other dimensions?. - Indirectly by finding a scaling measure such as consumption or income or another indicator (assets index for instance)10 that would help ranking the households or individuals (from the poorest to the richest), and see what are their performance in the health variable of interest. We are therefore measuring an indirect health inequality. The indirect method is mostly suitable when the health indicator is dichotomous (for example whether the individual has got diarrhoea last 2 weeks, or ?have the child been vaccinated?, or ?place of delivery?) or is a rate (such as child mortality). Again, quoting Prof. Sahn, ?making comparisons of health across populations with different social and economic characteristics is often referred to in the literature as following the so-called `gradient? or `socioeconomic? approach to health inequality. Much of the motivation for this work on the gradient approach to health inequality arises out of fundamental concerns over social and economic justice. The roots of the gradient will often arise from various types of discrimination, prejudice, and other legal, social, and economic norms that may contribute to stratification and fragmentation, and subsequently inequality in access to material resources and various correlated welfare outcomes?. While the first method would appear quickly limited for dummy or limited categorical health variables because of the small variability in the population, the second approach could also be 10 Or more generally any other socioeconomic gradient such as education, gender or location. impossible when no information is available to scale the units of observation in terms of welfare. We?ll be mostly focusing on the second approach, as did many health economists, and also due to the nature of the DHS datasets in hand and the indicators that we are investigating. 2. Strategy, Methods and Structure. Measuring wealth-related inequality in health implies in the first stage defining and characterizing the poor. Who are indeed the poor? Traditionally, monetary measures (income or consumption) have been used to distinguish households or people into ?rich? and ?poor? classes. Indeed, it is agreed that the ?incomemetric? approach is one of the best ways to measure welfare11. However, it sometimes, if not often, happens that we lack this essential information in household survey datasets. Especially in our case, the DHS datasets do not have income nor consumption information. Then, how to characterize the poor in this situation? For a long time, economists have eluded the question. But soon, it became evident that an alternative measure is needed to strengthen the ?poverty debate?. In the first part of our dissertation, we start by providing a theoretical framework to find a proxy for wellbeing, in the case where consumption or income-related data are missing, namely by discussing the use of assets as such a proxy. The first part of this thesis is relatively long, as compared to the second. However, this is justified, due to its purpose. The goal of the first part of the dissertation is to participate to the research agenda on poverty. It attempts to measure it in a ?non traditional?12 way. 11 There is a consensus in the economic literature that income is more suitable to measure wealth or welfare in developed countries while consumption is more adequate for developing ones due to various reasons such as irregularity of incomes for informal sector, seasonality, prices, recall periods, trustworthy, etc. (see Deaton 1998 for detail). 12 i.e. a non monetary way. The main rationale for this first part therefore is thus to find a new, non monetary measure to characterize in best, life conditions, welfare and then the poor. This measure is referred to as the ?assets index?. Indeed, as the majority of developing countries are engaged more and more in fighting poverty, inequality and deprivation, more and more information on the state of poverty13 is needed. If in almost all these countries, many household surveys have been implemented to collect information on socioeconomic indicators, the major indicator that is needed to analyze poverty (namely income or consumption data) is unfortunately not often collected due to various reasons (time, cost, periodicity, etc.). Even, if they were collected, the quality of the data is often poor. Therefore, economists tend to rely more on other indicators to compensate for the absence of monetary measures. One of the indicators often used are the assets owned by households. The question arose then how to use these assets to characterize the poor in this context? How to weight each of them? In a first attempt, many economists built a simple linear index by assigning arbitrary weights to the assets14. In a seminal paper, Filmer and Pritchett (2001) propose to construct the so-called ?assets index? which could be used as a proxy for consumption or income. It is commonly agreed that their methodology follows a ?scientific? approach, thus is more credible. In their case, they use a Principal Component Analysis (PCA, henceforth) to build their assets index. Since, many other economists have followed in their footsteps which we label in our dissertation, the ?material? poverty approach (as opposed to the monetary one) since it is based on materials (goods and assets) owned by the households or individuals. Because of the importance of the subject (poverty) and because the method is pretty new and original, this first part of our thesis is as said quite long as compared to the second one and has two papers which focus mainly on poverty and inequality issues and their connections with economic growth. In this part, we start by presenting a methodology of measuring non monetary (material) poverty, when a consumption or income data is not available. We show how one can obtain robust results using assets or wealth variables. Once the method is clearly 13 And more generally welfare. 14 For example a television is given a weight of 100, a radio 50, and so on. But this is clearly not a `scientific? way to proceed, as there is no rational ground in giving such weights. tested and validated, it is then confronted to real data. We show that the index shares basically the same properties with monetary metrics and roughly scales households in the same way as does the consumption or income variables. We discuss the advantages and also the limitations of using the assets index. The important thing to bear in mind is that, once it is obtained, it could be used to rank the observational units by wealth or welfare level. - The first chapter defines in a first section poverty and how it is usually measured (by the income metric approach). We discuss the limitations of the use of income/expenditure and what could be alternative measures. We then propose in section 2 the assets metric as a proxy for poverty measurement and test the material poverty approach on international datasets collected by the DHS program. We explore the material poverty and inequality nexus in the world and how Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA)15 compares with other regions. We show, using that index and DHS data, that poverty, at least from an assets point of view, was also decreasing in SSA as well as in other regions of the world. This result contrasts with other findings such as Ravallion and Chen (2001) or Sala-i-Martin (2002) that show that, while other regions of the world are experiencing a decline in their (monetary) poverty rates, SSA is lagging behind, with rates starting to rise over the last decade. Therefore, two different measures of welfare could yield opposite results and messages in terms of policies to implement to combat poverty. Moreover, the method we use not only allows observing changes over time for each country, but also provides a natural ranking among countries (from the poorest to the richest). In this chapter, aside the measure of welfare and poverty, we also discuss in a final section the impact of demographic transition on economic growth and therefore on poverty. Indeed, demographic transition is a new phenomenon that is occurring in developing countries, especially African ones. Its negligence could lead to underestimating poverty measures (both material and monetary) by underestimating real economic growth rates. We show that changes in the composition and the size of households put an extra-pressure on the development process. While traditional authors have not considered the impact of these 15 SSA countries are Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Cameroon, Chad, Comoros, Republic of Congo, Côte d?Ivoire, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The ?rest of the world? is represented by Armenia, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Egypt, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, India, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Moldova, Morocco, Nepal, Nicaragua, Pakistan, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Vietnam and Yemen. changes, we show that taking this into account implies higher economic growth rates than those actually observed or forecasted. - Once the assets index approach is established and tested on international data, the question arose how it performs as compared to the monetary metric. Indeed, if monetary measures remain the reference, then our assets index should share some common properties with them. The second chapter assesses the trends in material poverty in Ghana from the assets perspective using the Core Welfare Indicators Questionnaires Surveys (CWIQ). It then compared these trends with the monetary poverty over roughly the same period. We show that the assets index could be used and yields the same consistent results as using other welfare variable (such as income, consumption or expenditure). Therefore, using two consecutive CWIQ surveys, we find that material poverty in Ghana has decreased roughly by the same magnitude as monetary one, as found in other studies by other authors such as Coulombe and McKay (2007) using Ghanaian GLSS16 consumption data. Thus, this chapter could thus be viewed as providing the proof that the material and the monetary approaches could be equivalent. The second part of our dissertation seeks how to define and measure health and inequality in health. While the definition of health is not obvious, we propose to measure it with child mortality rates. Our main rationale in doing so is that low child mortality generates, ceteris paribus, higher life expectancy17, thus is an adequate measure of a population?s health. This may not be true in areas devastated by wars, famines, and HIV and other pandemics where child mortality could be high (in this case, the best measure should be life expectancy by age groups). Also, the reader should bear in mind that in fact, child mortality could be itself is a good indicator for measuring the (success of the) economic development level of a society as a whole (Sen, 1995), mainly because in developing countries, child mortality is highly correlated to factors linked to the level of development such as access to safe water, sanitation, vaccination coverage, access to health care, etc. - In the third chapter, we focus on measuring overall population?s health. For this, we estimate child mortality in SSA and compare it to the rest of the world. We explore the 16 Ghana Living Standard Surveys. 17 By construction, life expectancy at birth is highly correlated and sensitive to child mortality (it is based on child mortality rates for various cohorts). Lower child mortality rates lead to higher life expectancy and vice versa. determinants of child mortality using mainly a Weibull model and DHS data with socioeconomic variables18 as one of our major covariates. The use of the assets index information is to see how these quintiles behave in a multivariate regression framework of child mortality (i.e. how they affect child mortality). We find, among others, that mother?s education and access to health care and sanitation are one of the strongest predictors for child survival. Controlling for education and other factors, family?s wealth and the area of residency do not really matter for child survival in SSA, contrasting with results found elsewhere. - The fourth and last chapter answers the ultimate goal of this dissertation, that is, the scope of health inequalities in the developing world, particularly in SSA. It uses the factor analysis (FA) method of Chapter 1 to rank household according to their economic gradient status19 and then studies inequalities in various health indicators in relation with these groups. The intention is to analyze inequality rates between rich and poor for various health variables. In this chapter, we concentrate solely on inequality issues in health and health-related infrastructures and services. Mainly, we analyze inequality in access to sanitation infrastructures (water and electricity20) and various health status and access to health indicators (such as child death, child anthropometry, medically assisted delivery and vaccination coverage) using a Gini and Marginal Gini Income Elasticity approach (GIE and MGIE, henceforth) on one hand, and the Concentration Index (CI) approach on the other. Results show that, while almost all countries have made great efforts in improving coverage in, and access to, these indicators, almost all the gains have been captured by the better-offs of the society, especially in SSA. We extend the analysis to compare GIE estimates to those of CI and find consistent results yielding quite similar messages. 18 Quintiles groups derived from an assets index. 19 By grouping usually households in 5 quintiles from poorer to richer ones. 20 On the rationale of using electricity, see footnote 7 above. 3. Results and Policy Implications. As said above, the major goal in conducting this thesis research is to analyze inequality in health status, health care and health-related services using DHS data. To reach our objective, we follow two intermediate steps: - For assets poverty, results show that assets poverty and inequality are decreasing in every region of the world, including Sub-Saharan Africa. This tends to support our hypothesis that, contrary to common beliefs, African households use assets and building ownerships as saving tools and buffer to economic shocks. The first paper also shows however that the demographic transition actually occurring in developing countries could impede on economic growth and trigger a bullet on policies aiming at combating poverty. - Our third paper shows that child mortality is decreasing in all parts the world. However, the 1990s and early 2000s have been a lost decade for the African continent where many countries have witnessed an increase in rates that is mostly attributable among other factors to the economic and financial turmoils of the 1990s and early 2000s and the HIV epidemic. Our hypothesis is that these phenomena have destabilized the organization of the health care system, cut its funding and hampered its performance. High levels of health inequality can also be part of the puzzle. Coming back to the particular case of HIV/AIDS, the reader should observe that it affects more and more the less poor so that it can also lead to a decline in assets inequality (richer people are dying) along with an increase in child mortality and thus explain in great part our paradox. This setback (the rise in mortality over recent periods despite poverty reduction) will make impossible for these countries to reach the millennium development goals, at least for child mortality. The conclusion to this is that African population?s health has been stagnant over the period 1990-2005. Regression analysis reveals no strong correlation between our measure of welfare (assets index) and child mortality. More important are mothers? education and access to health care and sanitation services. - Finally, our inequality estimates show that they are quite high for all indicators considered. For ill-health indicators (child malnutrition and death), rates are excessively concentrated in poor and rural groups. Concerning access to health care services, rich and urban groups tend to be more favoured than poor and urban ones. But the high level of inequality tends to be reducing at the margin over time, as the poor have increasing access. Finally for access to sanitation services, results show that while the majority of countries have made substantial efforts to increase coverage on the first two periods, the rich and urban classes have benefited more and inequality (which is at high levels) tends to rise at the margin over time, especially for the poor. More preoccupying is the fact that rates are falling between 1995-2000 and 2000-2005, probably because of the privatization of these services and the new costs they impose on households. Overall, inequality in all variables considered is more pronounced in SSA than the rest of the world (expect for death and malnutrition). The sub-continent is still disadvantaged in terms of access to services or ill-health. Where to go from here? In the African sub-continent, we have the following picture: a decreasing (material) poverty and inequality but coupled with a stagnant child mortality situation, a stagnant or increasing malnutrition. This is mostly due to high levels of, and an increasing inequality at the margin in access to sanitation and electricity services coupled with a decreasing access to these services. Thus, despite the fact that we observe a decreasing inequality at the margin in access to health care (even though the average level of inequality is still high) the missing link in health-related services coupled with an overall high inequality in these two types of services hugely impact child health and survival. Therefore, as access to health care services and health-related sanitation services is essential to child survival, our findings call for vigorous policies to promote access of the poor groups and rural areas to these services. African Governments should continue to favour access of the poor to health care and reverse the inequality trends in access to water, sanitation and electricity. This is vital for the health of the population and for the development of Africa. Funding can come from various sources: the Government Budget, International Assistance but also from households themselves (since the first part of our thesis has demonstrated that they are getting richer (and various surveys show that they are willing to pay for quality health care), an adequate fees policy could benefit to the health care system). Measures should be put in place to strengthen the performance of the health system and to mitigate the negative effects of macroeconomic imbalances, economic crises and HIV/AIDS. Only on these conditions the Sub-Continent could hope to eradicate poverty and promote health for all. 4. Contribution of this Thesis. This thesis seeks to analyze empirically the inequality in health and access to health in SSA and how this region compared to the rest of the world. To do so, it develops a new method to characterize poor households and to analyze assets-based poverty, when the monetary measure is unavailable. Such a method is indeed necessary as almost all developing countries have collected many surveys that lack the consumption or income information. Once a poverty measure and a correct measure of health have been found, and their core determinants clearly established, we then proceed to the health inequality analysis, along with its determinants, using two methodologies: the traditional CI and the more recent GIE approaches. These approaches have been the mostly used to explore the inequality in health and access to health these last years. Though already studied in the literature, and sometimes applied on DHS or some groups of DHS datasets, our dissertation differs in its purpose and scope and its large scale. No paper to our knowledge used the totally to-date freely available DHS datasets to study poverty and inequality topics and provide basic statistics. Our main contribution is to shed a new light on the welfare-inequality-health nexus in Africa, how it evolves over time and how it compares to other regions around the world, using all available information. It also put numbers on various important socioeconomic indicators such as poverty, inequality, child health and mortality, access to health-related infrastructures, etc., for developing countries, especially African ones. As we sometimes lack these important information, this thesis proves finally to be a very useful exercise. ; Cette thèse part d'un postulat simple : « l'amélioration du niveau de vie s'accompagne de l'amélioration de l'état de santé générale d'une population » et teste sa validité dans le contexte de l'Afrique au Sud du Sahara (ASS). Si cette hypothèse se vérifie en général dans le contexte de l'ASS en ce qui concerne le niveau (plus le pays est riche, plus sa population est en bonne santé), il l'est moins en ce qui concerne les dynamiques, du moins à court et moyen terme. Notamment, les pays qui connaissent une amélioration tendancielle de bien-être matériel ne connaissent pas forcément une amélioration de la santé de leurs populations. Ceci constitue un paradoxe qui viendrait invalider notre postulat. En écartant tout effet de retard ou de rattrapage qui pourrait l'expliquer car nous travaillons sur une période de 15 ans réparties en 3 sous-périodes (1990-1995, 1995-2000 et 2000-2005), nous expliquons ce paradoxe, toutes choses égales par ailleurs, par deux canaux principaux qui peuvent interagir : - la performance du système de santé et - l'inégalité en santé. Si le premier est plus évident mais aussi plus difficile à prouver empiriquement du fait du manque de données sur des séries longues, ou du fait que ces données sont trop agrégées et éparses, le second canal est testable avec des bases de données adéquates qui, elles, sont disponibles au niveau microéconomique (ménages). Les bases de données que nous avons privilégiées sont les Enquêtes Démographiques et de Santé (EDS) du fait de leur comparabilité dans l'espace et le temps (mêmes noms de variables standardisées, même méthodologie d'enquête, mêmes modules, etc.). Ces atouts sont d'autant plus importants que les comparaisons de pauvreté et de bien-être basées sur les enquêtes de revenus ou de consommation butent sur de sérieux problèmes à savoir la comparabilité de ces enquêtes (méthodologies différentes, périodes de rappel différents, prix souvent non collectés de la même manière, etc.). Pour montrer ces effets de l'inégalité de santé sur les niveaux et les tendances de la santé des populations et la pauvreté et le bien-être, nous avons axé notre recherche autour de 3 axes principaux : 1- Comment mesurer le niveau de richesse et donc le bien-être des ménages en l'absence d'information sur la consommation et le revenu ? Les chapitres 1 et 2 de notre thèse se penchent sur cette question. Nous avons privilégié, à l'instar de plus en plus d'économistes, l'utilisation des biens des ménages et les méthodes de l'analyse factorielle et d'analyse en composantes principales pour construire un indice de richesse. Cet indice de richesse est pris comme un substitut du revenu ou de la consommation et sert donc de proxy pour la mesure du bien-être. Bien qu'il comporte quelques lacunes (notamment le fait qu'il ne concerne que les biens matériels et durables du ménage alors que la consommation ou le revenu sont des concepts plus globaux de bien-être, il ne prend pas en compte les préférences des ménages, il ne comporte aucune notion de valeur car le prix n'est pas pris en compte, de telle façon qu'une petite télévision en noir blanc vieille de vingt ans est mise au même niveau qu'un grand écran plasma flambant neuf, etc.), il n'en demeure pas moins que d'un côté, avec les EDS, il n'y a pas moyen de faire autrement en l'état actuel des choses, mais aussi et surtout parce que ces données permettent d'éviter les problèmes évoqués plus haut, notamment celui de la comparabilité des données pour faire de la comparaison spatiale et inter-temporelle des données en matière de pauvreté. Dans le premier chapitre, en nous basant sur cet indice et une ligne de pauvreté définie a priori à 60% pour la première observation dans notre échantillon (Benin, 1996), et en utilisant les données EDS et une analyse en composantes principales (ACP), nous avons pu mesurer la tendance de la pauvreté dite « matérielle » (en opposition à la pauvreté monétaire, basée sur la métrique monétaire). Cette méthode qui est privilégiée par des auteurs comme Sahn et Stifel est d'autant plus intéressante qu'elle donne non seulement les tendances de la pauvreté dans chaque pays, mais elle permet aussi une classification naturelle de ces pays par ordre de grandeur de pauvreté. Cependant, dans la mesure où les biens des ménages et la dépenses de consommation sont disponibles, l'analyste devrait estimer les deux types de pauvreté (matérielle via l'indice de richesse et monétaire via le revenu ou la consommation) car les études montrent souvent que les biens matériels et la consommation ou le revenu ne sont pas très bien corrélés, et donc le choix de l'indicateur de bien-être est crucial en termes de politiques économique et de santé. En effet, si l'indicateur sous-estime le vrai niveau de pauvreté ou d'inégalité (ou les surestime), les dépenses publiques qui en résultent peuvent être plus ou moins surévaluées, de même que les réponses apportées se révéler inadéquates. Donc dans la mesure du possible, il conviendrait de se pencher sur la question du choix de l'indicateur. Les résultats de notre méthodologie montrent que l'ASS reste la région la plus pauvre du monde en termes de possession d'actifs. La région orientale de l'ASS est la plus pauvre au monde (75%) suivie de l'Asie du Sud (64%), le Sud de l'ASS (61%), l'Afrique Centrale (57%), l'Afrique de l'Ouest (55%), l'Asie de l'Ouest (40%), l'Asie du Sud-Est (19%), l'Amérique Latine (18%), les Caraïbes (17%), l'Afrique du Nord (6%), l'Asie Centrale (2%) et l'Europe de l'Est (1%). Notre analyse nous montre que la pauvreté baisse dans l'ensemble des pays Africains au Sud du Sahara (sauf la Zambie), à l'instar des autres pays du monde dans l'échantillon. En effet, en considérant les trends, nous voyons que la moyenne de l'ASS passe de 63% de pauvreté matérielle entre 1990-1995 à 62% en 1995-2000 et 58% entre 2000 et 2005. La baisse est modeste et lente mais non négligeable et surtout, elle est en accélération sur les 2 dernières périodes. Mais elle demeure toutefois beaucoup plus marquée dans le reste du monde. Concomitamment à la baisse de la pauvreté, nous observons aussi une baisse de l'inégalité. Nous terminons ce chapitre par une réflexion sur l'effet de la transition démographique sur la croissance économique et la pauvreté en ASS et dans les autres pays en développement. En effet, la chute de la fertilité et de la mortalité couplées à un exode rural font que le nombre de famille se démultiplie du fait de la transition vers des tailles plus réduites. Ceci impose plus de contraintes (et donc peut avoir un impact négatif) sur la croissance économique et risque de sous-estimer le niveau réel de pauvreté. Il convient, une fois que la pauvreté matérielle et ses tendances ont été bien calculées avec les biens durables (et la transition économique prise si possible en compte), de tester la validité de cette méthode en la confrontant avec les résultats issus de l'analyse monétaire de la pauvreté. Les EDS ne comportant pas données d'information sur la consommation, nous nous sommes tournés vers une autre source de données. Dans le chapitre 2, nous avons testé la robustesse de notre méthode dans le cas particulier du Ghana, en utilisant les enquêtes du Questionnaire Unifié sur les Indicateurs de Base de Bienêtre (QUIBB), et en confrontant les résultats issus de la méthode ACP avec ceux issus de la méthode traditionnelle monétaire et trouvons grosso modo les mêmes résultats (10% de baisse avec la méthode monétaire traditionnelle et 7% avec notre méthode sur la période 1997- 2003). Ceci valide donc le fait que la méthode que nous proposons (à savoir, mesurer le bienêtre et la pauvreté par les biens durables des ménages) est tout aussi valide que la méthode plus traditionnelle utilisant des métriques monétaires. Une analyse fine dans le cas du Ghana montre que la baisse de la pauvreté est due à une croissance économique particulièrement pro-pauvre mais aussi à des dynamiques intra et intersectorielles (réallocation des gens des secteurs moins productifs vers ceux plus productifs) et aussi une forte migration des campagnes vers les villes. Nos simulations montrent que les migrants ruraux ont aussi bénéficié de cette croissance dans les villes où ils trouvent plus d'opportunités. 2- Une fois établie que la pauvreté est en recul en ASS, nous avons voulu mesurer la tendance de la santé de sa population (approximée par les taux de mortalité infantile et infanto-juvénile). Nous discutons dans le chapitre 3 de trois méthodes pour estimer et comparer les taux de mortalité des enfants : - la méthode des cohortes fictives (sur laquelle l'équipe de l'EDS se base pour estimer les taux « officiels » de mortalité), - la méthode non paramétrique (Kaplan et Meier) que privilégient un certain nombre d'économistes et - la méthode paramétrique (Weibull) de plus en plus utilisée pour sa souplesse et sa robustesse. Les deux premières méthodes ont tendance à sous-estimer le vrai niveau de mortalité et de ce fait nous avons privilégié le Weibull. De plus, avec cette dernière, nous pouvons évaluer l'effet de chaque variable spécifique (comme l'éducation ou l'accès à l'eau) sur le niveau de mortalité. Une étude des déterminants de cette mortalité montre qu'outre l'effet attendu de l'éducation des mères, l'accès aux infrastructures de santé (soins médicaux et surtout prénataux durant et lors de l'accouchement) et sanitaires (accès aux toilettes et dans une moindre mesure à l'eau potable) en sont les principaux facteurs. L'effet de richesse joue peu en ASS (mais pas dans le reste du monde), une fois que nous contrôlons pour le lieu de résidence (urbain) et le niveau d'éducation. Ce résultat nous surprend quelque peu, même s'il a été trouvé dans d'autres études. Ensuite, nous avons calculé la mortalité prédite des enfants. De toutes les régions du monde, l'ASS a le niveau de mortalité le plus élevé (par exemple en moyenne 107 décès pour la mortalité infantile contre 51 pour le reste du monde, soit plus du double). Ce résultat était toutefois attendu. Par contre nous avons été quelque peu surpris en ce qui concerne les tendances. Le constat est que sur les 15 ans, la mortalité des enfants a très peu ou pas du tout baissé dans le sous-continent africain (et est même en augmentation dans certains pays, alors qu'ils enregistrent une baisse de la pauvreté matérielle sur la même période). En moyenne, considérant les enfants de moins d'un an, les taux sont passés de 95%o à 89.5%o pour remonter à 91.5%o pour les 3 périodes 1990-1195, 1995-2000 et 2000-2005. Ainsi sur 15 ans, la mortalité infantile n'a baissé que de 3 points et demie en moyenne et surtout, elle remonte sur la période 1995-2005. Un examen des taux de malnutrition des enfants confirme ces tendances. On pourrait dire que ces résultats sont plutôt encourageants et normaux si on fait une analyse d'ensemble du sous-continent. En effet pour l'ensemble de l'ASS, cette légère baisse semble en conformité avec la baisse de 5 points des taux de pauvreté matérielle (63% en 1990-1995 à 58% en 2000-2005). Mais l'ordre de grandeur est faible en termes de magnitude, et surtout si compare au reste du monde où on observe une baisse de la mortalité beaucoup plus conséquente. Mais c'est l'arbre qui cache la forêt. Une analyse plus fine par pays montre en effet une situation plus contrastée. Notre postulat de départ nous dit que sur une période suffisamment longue, une amélioration de bien-être s'accompagne d'une amélioration de la santé. Or on constate que certains pays qui connaissent une baisse de la pauvreté matérielle connaissent également une recrudescence de la mortalité des enfants. Pour une même année, ce résultat peut être normal, traduisant un simple décalage pour que l'amélioration de bien-être se traduise par un meilleur état de santé de la population. Mais à moyen terme (période de 5 ans), nous observons la même absence d'effet. Nous sommes donc face à un paradoxe qu'il nous faut comprendre et tenter d'expliquer. Une des pistes pour comprendre ces résultats est d'analyser la performance des systèmes de santé en Afrique. Les facteurs qui expliquent notamment cette performance sont : des facteurs « classiques » comme la performance économique des périodes passées, les montants et l'allocation des dépenses de santé, l'organisation des systèmes de santé, la baisse de la fourniture de services de soins de santé (vaccination, assistance à la naissance, soins prénataux, soins curatifs, .), la malnutrition, le SIDA, les guerres, la fuite des cerveaux notamment du personnel médical, etc., à côté de facteurs plus « subtils » ou ténus car moins saisissables comme les crises financières des années 1990s qui ont plombé certaines des économies de la sous-région, la qualité des soins, la corruption et les dessous-de-table, l'instabilité de la croissance économique (même si elle est positive), etc. La seconde voie que nous examinons pour expliquer le manque de résultat en santé dans certains pays concerne l'inégalité en santé et ceci fait l'objet de notre dernier chapitre. 3- Expliquer l'absence de lien entre santé et pauvreté dans certains pays de l'ASS : l'effet de l'inégalité en santé. Dans le chapitre 4, nous émettons l'hypothèse que le fort niveau d'inégalité dans l'accès aux services de santé et d'assainissement couplé à la faible performance du système de santé (avec en toile de fond l'impact du Sida) peuvent servir à expliquer en partie notre paradoxe. Nous considérons deux types de services : - soins de santé (vaccination, assistance médicale à la naissance et traitement médical de la diarrhée) et - hygiène et assainissement (accès à l'eau potable et à l'électricité, accès aux toilettes propres). Le choix de ces services est motivé par le fait que le modèle Weibull dans le chapitre 3 nous montre que toutes choses égales par ailleurs, ils sont cruciaux pour la survie des enfants, en particulier en Afrique. Les niveaux d'accès montrent une baisse tendancielle des taux pour les services de santé (surtout pour la vaccination) et une légère augmentation de l'accès à l'électricité et dans une moindre mesure à l'eau potable. L'accès aux toilettes propres demeure un luxe réservé à une petite fraction de la population. Pour les calculs d'inégalité, nous considérons deux indicateurs: - l'indice de concentration (pour mesurer le niveau moyen d'inégalité) - et l'élasticité-revenu du Gini (inégalité « à la marge » quand le revenu d'un individu ou d'un groupe augmente d'un point de pourcentage). Globalement, les pays d'ASS ont un niveau d'inégalité beaucoup plus élevé comme on s'y attendait par rapport au reste du monde. Pour les tendances, nous remarquons que l'inégalité marginale s'accroît pour les services d'assainissement (eau, toilette et électricité), mais qu'elle diminue pour les soins de santé. En ce qui concerne l'inégalité moyenne, elle indique une disproportion dans l'accès des classes riches par rapport à celles pauvres. Même si les groupes pauvres « rattrapent » ceux riches dans la provision de certains services, cela se fait de façon trop lente. De fait, le haut niveau d'inégalité couplé à une recrudescence de cette inégalité à la marge pour certains services tendent à annihiler les effets positifs de la croissance économique et de la réduction de la pauvreté et maintiendraient la mortalité, la malnutrition et la morbidité des enfants en Afrique à des niveaux relativement élevés et plus particulièrement concentrées dans les groupes les plus pauvres. Tout ceci appelle à des politiques économiques, sociales et sanitaires pour renverser fortement les tendances de la mortalité des enfants. En particulier, nos résultats suggèrent qu'il faudrait que les pays Africains puissent entre autres : - accroître les services de soins de santé, notamment les soins préventifs comme les services essentiels à la santé de l'enfant dès sa naissance (vaccination, services prénataux et assistance à la naissance), les soins curatifs et les campagnes de sensibilisation. - renverser la tendance baissière dans la provision des services sanitaires (eau, électricité, environnement et assainissement, prise en charge des déchets, etc.). - améliorer la nutrition et l'environnement immédiat de ces enfants et les comportements des ménages (espacement des naissances, éducation des mères en matière de santé, etc.). - plus généralement comme le montrent d'autres études, il faudrait aussi améliorer la performance globale de leur système de santé en empêchant la fuite des cerveaux, en allouant un budget suffisant à la santé, en organisant mieux les différents organes, de même que les ciblages des politiques de santé, en empêchant la corruption, en améliorant la qualité (accueil, propreté des centres de soins, etc.), en équipant les centres en médicaments, vaccins, moyens de transport et de communication, etc. Intégrer si possible les systèmes plus traditionnels de soins (comme les matrones et les guérisseurs) et le secteur privé, de même qu'une meilleure organisation du système pharmaceutique. Ces politiques constituent un tout et doivent être mise en oeuvre rapidement, ou renforcées le cas échéant. A cette seule condition les pays Africains pourraient espérer rattraper leur retard dans les Objectifs du Millénaire.

In a recent survey of European economic growth since 1950, Crafts and Toniolo (2008) conclude that incentive structures are a crucial explanator of comparative growth rates of the economies of east and west Europe. Pre-empting that, a 2006 report on trade performance and policies in Eastern Europe and Central Asia included as one of its key recommendations the need to reduce the mean and variance of the tariff equivalents of trade barriers, and in particular to reduce unilaterally the policy regimes' anti-export bias, especially in countries exporting primary products (Broadman 2006). To progress such reform in Europe's transition economies efficiently and effectively, and to see how recent policies line up with those of the European Union (EU), requires better information on the extent of reform during the past two decades and of current policy influences on incentives within and between sectors. Immediately prior to their transition to market economies, policies in the region greatly distorted producer and consumer incentives, especially for agricultural products. Those distortions have been reduced substantially in several countries, but large variations remain across the region and distortions appear to be growing again in some countries. Now is thus an opportune time to examine how policies affecting agriculture are evolving in this region, including as part of the adjustment to EU accession for ten of the transition economies in the region.

This article considers the challenges faced by digital evidence specialists when collaborating with other specialists and agencies in other jurisdictions when investigating cyber crime. The opportunities, operational environment and modus operandi of a cyber criminal are considered, with a view to developing the skills and procedural support that investigators might usefully consider in order to respond more effectively to the investigation of cyber crimes across State boundaries.

Recent academic research has questioned the role of economic policy as a determinant of long term growth rates. While there seems to be a correlation between several policy variables and growth rates, this correlation disappears when controlling for other factors. As an example, the significance of key economic policy variables such as inflation or government size disappears if we account for the quality of institutions. This paper looks at recent empirical research that questions the conclusion that macroeconomic policy does not matter for growth. By looking at the volatility of economic policy (whether it is fiscal policy or exchange rates), the authors find that policy is still a relevant and robust explanatory variable of cross country differences in economic growth. These results have strong policy implications. Improvements in the conduct of macroeconomic policy can have beneficial growth effects even if institutional reforms are not taking place. These results do not deny the importance of institutional reforms. By setting the right institutions one can ensure the proper conduct of macroeconomic policy without having to rely on the 'quality' of the decision maker.

Recent academic research has questioned the role of economic policy as a determinant of long term growth rates. While there seems to be a correlation between several policy variables and growth rates, this correlation disappears when controlling for other factors. As an example, the significance of key economic policy variables such as inflation or government size disappears if we account for the quality of institutions. This paper looks at recent empirical research that questions the conclusion that macroeconomic policy does not matter for growth. By looking at the volatility of economic policy (whether it is fiscal policy or exchange rates), the authors find that policy is still a relevant and robust explanatory variable of cross country differences in economic growth. These results have strong policy implications. Improvements in the conduct of macroeconomic policy can have beneficial growth effects even if institutional reforms are not taking place. These results do not deny the importance of institutional reforms. By setting the right institutions one can ensure the proper conduct of macroeconomic policy without having to rely on the 'quality' of the decision maker.

On August 25, 2009, the 13th Government of the Palestinian Authority (PA) presented a program entitled "Palestine: ending the occupation, establishing the state" (hereafter referred to as the program) outlining several national goals, including the achievement of 'economic independence and national prosperity'. The program accords high priority to the development of the public institutions of the PA in order to achieve the stated national goals. It acknowledges that maintaining an efficient and effective public sector that provides citizens with high quality services and value for money is a constant challenge. No amount of well-functioning institutions, will, however, lead to economic growth in the absence of access to markets, whether within the West Bank and Gaza, in Israel, or in the rest of the world. In this regard, the recent developments in easing of movement and access restrictions by the Government of Israel (GoI) represent a welcome first step. The GoI has taken steps to ease movement restrictions in the West Bank and to allow greater access to West Bank markets for Arab citizens of Israel. In the first half of 2009, the political stalemate in Gaza continued and the economy stagnated. The West Bank economy is showing signs of new growth, so that it is possible that for the first time in years, West Bank and Gaza (WB&G) may have positive per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth in 2009.

There is no longer any serious debate about whether greenhouse gas emissions from human activity are altering the earth's climate. There is also a broad consensus that efficient mitigation of emissions will require carbon pricing via market based instruments (charges or auctioned tradable permits). The remaining controversies stem mostly from economic and technological forecasting uncertainties, disputes about global and intergenerational equity, and political divisions over collective measures to combat climate change. Near term closure seems unlikely on any of these fronts, but the science is now sufficiently compelling that a global consensus supports concerted action. Developing countries must be full participants, because they will be most heavily impacted by global warming, and because the scale of their emissions is rapidly approaching parity with developed countries.

This paper focuses on how growth theory can guide growth policy design. It first argues that policy matters for growth, in particular when policy variables are interacted with country?specific variables (financial development, institutional environment, technological development, and so forth). Second, it argues that the Schumpeterian paradigm does a better job at delivering policy prescriptions that vary with country characteristics. Third, it discusses the advantages and drawbacks of growth regression analysis. Finally, it briefly describes and then questions the recently proposed 'growth diagnostic' approach.

Using the most recent estimates of agricultural price distortions, this chapter studies the economic, poverty, and income inequality impacts of both global and domestic trade reform in Argentina, with a special focus on export taxes. Argentina offers an interesting case study as the only large agricultural exporter that has, at many points in its history, applied export taxes to several of its agricultural products. The chapter combines results from a global economy-wide model (World Bank's linkage model), a national computable general equilibrium (CGE) model, and micro-simulations. The results suggest that liberalization of world trade (including subsidies and import taxes, but not export taxes), both for agricultural and non-agricultural goods, reduces poverty and inequality in Argentina. However, if only agricultural goods are included, indicators for poverty and inequality do not improve and even deteriorate somewhat. This is particularly the case if export taxes are eliminated. The chapter discusses the possible reasons for those results, offers some caveats, and suggests some lines for further research.

How hospitable will the global environment be for economic growth in the developing world as we come out of the present financial crisis? The answer depends on how well the author manage the following tension. On the one hand, global macro stability requires that we prevent external imbalances from getting too large. On the other hand, growth in poor nations requires that the world economy be able to absorb a rapid increase in the supply of tradable produced in the developing world. It is possible to render these two requirements compatible, but doing so requires greater use of explicit industrial policies in developing countries, which have the potential of encouraging of modern tradable activities without spilling over into trade surpluses. The 'price' to be paid for greater discipline on real exchange rates and external imbalances is greater use (and permissiveness) towards industrial polices.