Suchergebnisse

Uno dei più lunghi periodi di redditività finanziaria dell'era presente è stato interrotto nel 2008 dal fallimento delle innovative strutture di cartolarizzazione ingegnate a Wall Street per condividere il rischio finanziario. Si sono affermati così nuovi fenomeni comportamentali nel campo della moderna finanza facendo emergere l'urgenza di strumenti di governo e di gestione finanziaria. In questo contesto si inserisce la crisi di una delle più importanti Compagnie Assicurative al mondo, l'AIG. che si era spinta in operazioni economiche con strumenti finanziari derivati quali i MBS, i CDS e i CDO. ; One of the longest periods of financial profitability of the present era was interrupted by the failure of innovative securitizazion structures invented at Wall Street to share the financial risk. These innovative structures established themselves as new behavioral phenomena in the field of modern finance, bringing out the urgency of instruments of government and financial management. In 2008 the subprime mortgages allowed to make invisible " risky mortgages " by combining them in financial products paced on the market, labeling them as obligations related to the 'real estate' world and so making them safe by definition. In this context we must insert the crisis of one of the largest insurance companies in the world, the American International Group ( Aig). The AIG was saved then with the help of the US Treasury.

Hauptbeschreibung The contributions of this volume discuss concepts, notions, and transitions of nineteenth century international law. More specifically the questions focus on: On which premises was the juridical discipline constructed, what were the relations to other juridical, and non-juridical fields of knowledge? How did European nineteenth century international lawyers build a new legal science to be spread worldwide?

The European Union has long pursued a full program of unification of the national rules on private international law. For the theoretical advantages of uniformity, created by "denazionalizing" the systematic of civil law, corresponds, howewer, a loss of meaning in terms of culture and legal values, at the expense of the identities and the political choices, that only in the national communities – in the absence of democratic processes at the European level – can still find ways of legitimate expression.Paper presented at the Conference "La dimension culturelle du droit international privé (Journée en l'honneur de Tito Ballarino)", held on June 13, 2014 in Losanna, at the Swiss Institute of Comparative Law.L'Unione europea persegue da tempo un nutrito programma di uniformazione delle normative nazionali di diritto internazionale privato. Ai vantaggi teorici dell'uniformità, artificialmente creata denazionalizzando la sistematica del diritto civile, corrisponde tuttavia una perdita di senso in termini di cultura e di valori giuridici, a scapito delle identità e delle scelte politiche che solo nelle comunità nazionali – in assenza di processi autenticamente democratici a livello europeo – possono ancora trovare legittima espressione.Relazione presentata al Convegno "La dimension culturelle du droit international privé (Journée en l'honneur de Tito Ballarino)", tenutosi il 13 giugno 2014 a Losanna, presso l'Istituto svizzero di diritto comparato

'Conventional' models of how the field of international political economy should engage with ethics have proposed or assumed the normative primacy of ethical principles and often sought to add reliable empirical economic analysis so that political perspectives on economic systems, institutions and practices can result. James Brassett and Christopher Holmes (2010) have criticized such approaches for overlooking the potentially violent character of ethics as a constitu- tive discourse like any other. The present article defends the conventional method against Brassett and Holmes's critique. Focusing especially on Thomas Pogge's ethics of world poverty as Brassett and Holmes's main conventionalist target, the article argues that: (i) Brassett and Holme s's understanding of 'ethics' is seriously inadequate; (ii) Pogge's 'negative duty not to harm' principle should be maintained against Brassett and Holmes's troublingly 'political' account and facile relativist critique of Pogge's ethics; (iii) Brassett and Holmes, while conceivably critical of Pogge's global level reformist solution as superficially 'neo liberal', cannot see that their own arguably valuable proposal of radical local forms of 'resistance' can coherently complete Pogge's poverty ethics and thus confirms, rather than undermines, the conventional method. Ultimately, Brassett and Holmes's post structural attempt risks being 'violent' itself for implying a renewed international moral skepticism.

La disabilità: una storia tragica nascosta nell'inconscio collettivo; 2. La palingenesi nei più recenti orientamenti legislativi: una tardiva riparazione? 3. La non omogenea nozione di disabilità nelle fonti internazionali; 4. Ma serve veramente una nozione rigida di disabilità? 5. Posto che tutti, in una certa misura, possiamo essere considerati dei disabili; 6. Ma, quindi, le persone affette da minorazioni esistono in quanto categoria? 7. La problematica distinzione tra discriminazione diretta e discriminazione indiretta; 8. Le cause di giustificazione e le deroghe; 9. Il diverso trattamento riservato ai disabili non costituisce discriminazione positiva ma è espressione del principio di uguaglianza; 10. Rimane da capire quando si possa ritenere che le cause di giustificazione siano ragionevoli; 11. Interpretazioni ed omissioni del legislatore italiano; 12. Ma le azioni volte a garantire l'uguaglianza dei lavoratori disabili non si limitano alla disciplina antidiscriminatoria.

In this article I provide an appraisal of the neo-Gramscian approach to the study of international relations by focusing on three of its major exponents: Robert Cox, Stephen Gill and Adam Morton. I argue that neo-Gramscians have yet to adequately address some important challenges and criticisms of their method around its overly "top-down" mode of analysis, its neglect of forms of resistance and its excessively global and cosmopolitan account of neoliberal hegemony and especially resistance. I maintain that a return to the letter of Gramsci's writings on hegemony and its national-popular and democratic character would not only allow neo-Gramscians to address more effectively these weaknesses, but also strengthen their approach and align it more effectively with trends in contemporary politics.Keywords: Gramsci; International Relations; Hegemony; National-Popular.