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There is no doubt that the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan is the most difficult operation in the history of NATO. 10‑years long international efforts to stabilize Afghanistan encounter strong Taliban resistance. Since years, NATO attempts to break this movement do not give the expected results. It is nowadays very, important as the outcome of the ISAF operation will have long‑term impact on the international security. To begin with, the result of this mission will affect the future shape and activity of the Atlantic Alliance. ISAF failure may result in reduction of NATO's role as a pillar of transatlanic security. Secondly, is fiasco may also have grave consequences for the political stability in Central Asia. Such countries as Turkmenistan, Tajikistan or Kyrgyzstan since years fight with the phantom of Islamic fundamentalism. If Afghanistan will be taken over by Taliban, these efforts may be doomed to failure. What is even more important, success of the NATO's mission is strongly connected with the internal situation of Pakistan. In the worst‑case scenario, the Pakistan government might be taken over by extremists, Finally, Afghanistan nowadays became a place of increased rivalry between several regional powers: India, Pakistan, Iran, China and Russia. This may cause several challenges for the international security in future. Therefore, the results of the NATO's International Security Assistance Force operation in Afghanistan will strongly affect the international security.

Artykuł wpisuje się w nurt badań dotyczących suwerenności państw w międzynarodowych organizacjach integracyjnych, w których uczestnictwo wiąże się z największymi ograniczeniami w zakresie kompetencji i autonomii państw, w porównaniu z udziałem w innego typu organizacjach. Zostaje wyjaśnione pojęcie suwerenności, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar prawny i polityczny, jak również międzynarodowej organizacji integracyjnej, która występuje tylko w grupie organizacji regionalnych. Artykuł zawiera analizę zróżnicowanego, z punktu widzenia suwerenności, usytuowania państw w organizacjach integracyjnych, w których stosowane są nowego typu rozwiązania instytucjonalne, w tym ponadnarodowe. Badania odnotowują znaczące zróżnicowanie rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, pokazujące, że modele zastosowane w Europie nie znajdują uniwersalnego zastosowania. Widoczne jest odmienne podejście do suwerenności w procesach integracyjnych i organizacjach międzynarodowych na Zachodzie oraz wśród państw rozwijających się, które większą wagę przywiązują do ochrony i zabezpieczenia suwerenności w ramach organizacji. ; This article is one of many, which deal with research on state sovereignty in international integration organizations, where participation implies more limited autonomy and competition than in organizations of other types. The notion of sovereignty is being explained, pointing at its legal and political dimention, as well as of international integration organizations, which belong to a group of regional organizations only. This paper concerns the analysis of differentiated placement of states from sosvereignty point of view in the integration organizations, where new instruments have been implemented, including transnational ones. The research shows a considerable differentiation of institutional frameworks, meaning that their models introduced in Europe have no universal character. One can see different attitude towards the sovereignty notion in integration processes and in international organizations in the West as well as in developing countries, which focus mostly on sovereignty protection within the organization itself.

Artykuł wpisuje się w nurt badań dotyczących suwerenności państw w międzynarodowych organizacjach integracyjnych, w których uczestnictwo wiąże się z największymi ograniczeniami w zakresie kompetencji i autonomii państw, w porównaniu z udziałem w innego typu organizacjach. Zostaje wyjaśnione pojęcie suwerenności, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar prawny i polityczny, jak również międzynarodowej organizacji integracyjnej, która występuje tylko w grupie organizacji regionalnych. Artykuł zawiera analizę zróżnicowanego, z punktu widzenia suwerenności, usytuowania państw w organizacjach integracyjnych, w których stosowane są nowego typu rozwiązania instytucjonalne, w tym ponadnarodowe. Badania odnotowują znaczące zróżnicowanie rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, pokazujące, że modele zastosowane w Europie nie znajdują uniwersalnego zastosowania. Widoczne jest odmienne podejście do suwerenności w procesach integracyjnych i organizacjach międzynarodowych na Zachodzie oraz wśród państw rozwijających się, które większą wagę przywiązują do ochrony i zabezpieczenia suwerenności w ramach organizacji. ; This article is one of many, which deal with research on state sovereignty in international integration organizations, where participation implies more limited autonomy and competition than in organizations of other types. The notion of sovereignty is being explained, pointing at its legal and political dimention, as well as of international integration organizations, which belong to a group of regional organizations only. This paper concerns the analysis of differentiated placement of states from sosvereignty point of view in the integration organizations, where new instruments have been implemented, including transnational ones. The research shows a considerable differentiation of institutional frameworks, meaning that their models introduced in Europe have no universal character. One can see different attitude towards the sovereignty notion in integration processes and in international organizations in the West as well as in developing countries, which focus mostly on sovereignty protection within the organization itself.

This article analyses the international conditions during the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It is an outline of a broad research problem, a historical analysis from the perspective of the decades-long evolution of Yugoslavia's international position. After its expulsion from the Eastern Bloc in 1948, the country balanced between East and West, becoming one of the founders and leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement. The author focuses on the aspect of Yugoslavia's role in the politics of the West, especially the US and the EEC, during and at the end of the Cold War. It was the West that could, possibly, have played a role in preventing the disintegration of the country in the early 1990s, in contrast to the USSR, which had its own internal problems at that time. What factors influenced Western support for the SFRY during the Cold War? How did Yugoslavia's position in Western politics change when the Cold War rivalry ended? The author points out the temporal connection between the disintegration of the SFRY and, among other things, the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union, the democratisation process in Eastern Europe, German reunification, European integration, and the crisis in the Middle East. In the end, there was a lack of real and coherent action by Western countries to bring about a peaceful solution to the crisis in the Balkans. The consequence of this would be the disintegration of the SFRY and several years of war in the former Yugoslavia.

This article deals with the concept of introducing international proverbs to the foreign language lesson. International proverbs can be a good way to improve language skills in at least two foreign languages with less effort by using the analogy between the languages. What is more the experience that the student gains by learning the first foreign language, can be used while learning the second and the next one. Moreover international proverbs, in regard of the European policy supporting multilingualism among the European citizens, help to achieve this goal. ; This article deals with the concept of introducing international proverbs to the foreign language lesson. International proverbs can be a good way to improve language skills in at least two foreign languages with less effort by using the analogy between the languages. What is more the experience that the student gains by learning the first foreign language, can be used while learning the second and the next one. Moreover international proverbs, in regard of the European policy supporting multilingualism among the European citizens, help to achieve this goal.

The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase. ; The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase.

The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.

The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.

ISAF operation is one of the hardest missions in the history of Polish Armed Forces in the Post‑Coll War era. Polish Army activity in Afghanistan is also noticeable among other NATO countries. However military involvement in this operation meets a number of challenges, especially when it comes to national security and defence policy. The article discusses these problems, such as: financial aspects of PKW Afghanistan; its influence on the process of modernization of Polish Army; military actitivy in Ghazni province; ideas to withdraw Polish forces prematurely; or political aspects of Polish involvement in Central Asia. Author distinguished several positive and negative aspects of Polish participation in the ISAF operation. Among negative, author listed e.g. the lack of complex solutions (financial, political, organizational) implemented by Poland to improve the security and functioning of PKW Afghanistan. However, it has to be also noted that the military involvement in Afghanistan allows to strengthen Polish position in the Atlantic Alliance. It also caused a major shift in the process of modernization of Polish Army.

The aim of this work is to present the role of Poland in the system of international relations governed by the principles of (neo) liberalism, mainly in the context of crisis phenomena taking place in the West. The hypothesis of this article is as follows: the downturn in Western liberal structures may lead to the modification of the functions and legal and economic system of the Polish state, undermining the principles and rules of liberal democracy applicable there. The turbulence to which the liberal structures of the West are subject may be problematic for those states that have identified their longterm interests with the phenomena of globalization/liberalization and do not have their own strategies of action and more autonomous tools to achieve national goals. Should the western zone weaken, there may be a possibility not only of a geopolitical transformation but also of significant political and economic transformations in countries like Poland. The state may fall into the zone of influence of the new center in a geographical or functional sense, which will impose a different civilization model, based on alternative economic principles and institutional solutions, violating the rights of individuals, minorities, and private businesses. The compulsion to adapt to the new rules that will emerge as a consequence of lowering the role of liberal institutions, the foundations of which are not yet known, may lead to a reduction in the level of protection of citizens and capital in the region. The work includes comments on the functioning of the (neo) liberal system of international relations, the socio-political transformation of Central and Eastern European countries, and Polish internal/foreign policy in the face of the crisis in the Western zone. ; W artykule podjęto próbę przedstawienia roli Polski w systemie stosunków międzynarodowych regulowanym zasadami (neo)liberalizmu, głównie w kontekście zjawisk kryzysowych rozgrywających się na Zachodzie. Postawiono następującą hipotezę: dekoniunktura zachodnich ...

Unia Europejska odgrywa na arenie międzynarodowej wiele ról, a jednym z priorytetowych kierunków w jej polityce zagranicznej jest region śródziemnomorski. Od połowy lat 90. XX wieku UE stara się odgrywać jednocześnie kilka ról wobec państw w nim położonych. Najważniejszymi z nich są role: aktywnego aktora w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu arabsko-izraelskiego; promotora środków budowy zaufania, partnerstwa, bezpieczeństwa i rozbrojenia; promotora reform rynkowych i zrównoważonego rozwoju; propagatora demokracji i praw człowieka oraz dialogu międzykulturowego.Efektywność ról międzynarodowych, analizowana na przykładzie unijnej polityki śródziemnomorskiej, jest jednak niska, ze względu na konflikt między rolami deklarowanymi, rzeczywistymi i oczekiwanymi. W konsekwencji region śródziemnomorski nie został przekształcony w obszar pokoju, stabilności, dobrobytu i porozumienia międzykulturowego, co od 1995 roku było deklarowanym przez Unię Europejską celem. ; The European Union acts in numerous capacities on the international arena, and one of its priorities in foreign policy involves the Mediterranean. Since the mid-1990s, the EU has been trying to play several roles in its relations with countries in this region, the most significant being: an active participant in solving the Arab-Israeli conflict; a promoter of measures to build trust, partnership, security and disarmament; a promoter of market reforms and sustainable development; an advocate of democracy and human rights as well as cross-cultural dialogue.Assessed on the basis of its Mediterranean policy, the efficiency of the EU's international roles, however, is poor, on account of the conflict between the roles the EU declares to be playing, and its actual and expected roles. As a consequence, the Mediterranean has not transformed into the area of peace, stability, welfare and cross-cultural understanding which has been declared as the EU's objective since 1995.

Unia Europejska odgrywa na arenie międzynarodowej wiele ról, a jednym z priorytetowych kierunków w jej polityce zagranicznej jest region śródziemnomorski. Od połowy lat 90. XX wieku UE stara się odgrywać jednocześnie kilka ról wobec państw w nim położonych. Najważniejszymi z nich są role: aktywnego aktora w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu arabsko-izraelskiego; promotora środków budowy zaufania, partnerstwa, bezpieczeństwa i rozbrojenia; promotora reform rynkowych i zrównoważonego rozwoju; propagatora demokracji i praw człowieka oraz dialogu międzykulturowego. Efektywność ról międzynarodowych, analizowana na przykładzie unijnej polityki śródziemnomorskiej, jest jednak niska, ze względu na konflikt między rolami deklarowanymi, rzeczywistymi i oczekiwanymi. W konsekwencji region śródziemnomorski nie został przekształcony w obszar pokoju, stabilności, dobrobytu i porozumienia międzykulturowego, co od 1995 roku było deklarowanym przez Unię Europejską celem. ; The European Union acts in numerous capacities on the international arena, and one of its priorities in foreign policy involves the Mediterranean. Since the mid-1990s, the EU has been trying to play several roles in its relations with countries in this region, the most significant being: an active participant in solving the Arab-Israeli conflict; a promoter of measures to build trust, partnership, security and disarmament; a promoter of market reforms and sustainable development; an advocate of democracy and human rights as well as cross-cultural dialogue. Assessed on the basis of its Mediterranean policy, the efficiency of the EU's international roles, however, is poor, on account of the conflict between the roles the EU declares to be playing, and its actual and expected roles. As a consequence, the Mediterranean has not transformed into the area of peace, stability, welfare and cross-cultural understanding which has been declared as the EU's objective since 1995. ; 8 ; 49 ; 61 ; 4 ; Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

By examining some of the letters Romanian volunteers in the International Brigades sent home during the Spanish Civil War, this article explores their authors' experience of the front-line hardships and of the challenges associated with the military life-style. The paper first provides a concise historical account of the Spanish Civil War, with a focus on the emergence of the international military groups, consisting of foreign combatants. It subsequently investigates the reasons that determined the Romanian volunteers to leave their country to fight in Spain, by examining their motivation in the intricate political and social context of interwar Romania. Finally, the article deals with the negative outcomes these letters had for their recipients, translated into the permanent harassment their families and close ones suffered because of this correspondence.