Sociologists have long recognized that social problems do not derive solely from objective conditions but from a process of collective definition. At the core of some social issues are framing competitions, struggles over the production of ideas and meanings. This article examines competing cultural meanings about the fat body. Through frame analysis of organizational materials, I map the contested field of obesity and document three cultural frames—medical frame, social justice frame, and market choice frame—as represented by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the National Association to Advance Fat Acceptance (NAAFA), and the food industry group the Center for Consumer Freedom (CCF), respectively. Using the "framing matrix," I explore each frame's key signature elements and discuss its social and cultural significance. Notably, each frame leads to different outcomes for social equality and how society thinks about fat bodies, health, and public policy.
Though Pierre Bourdieu has been criticized for ignoring the moral dimensions of social judgments, I suggest that his habitus concept can provide a useful theoretical foundation for a sociological analysis of morality. If the habitus is revised in a way that recognizes the embodied nature of cognition, it can be treated as a foundation for moral judgments of the self and of others. A revised habitus concept can account for two processes by which moral judgments are shaped by social settings: (1) cultural influences on feelings and expressions of emotion; and (2) the ways moral metaphors are structured by embodied cognitive schemas. In both processes, universal bodily operations are employed in different configurations across cultural settings. I argue that a modified habitus concept that can account for these phenomena has significant implications for the sociological analysis of lay morality.
Most pregnant women in the United States today choose a normative physician‐guided pregnancy followed by a medically managed hospital birth. Some, however, choose the care of a midwife during pregnancy and birth, whether in the hospital or, more rarely, at home. Despite growing research on both these paths, a third option chosen by some women has rarely been studied: a planned birth at home with neither a doctor nor a midwife assisting. In this article, I examine the stories told by women in this under‐researched population to consider how they make and explain this highly unusual choice. Analysis of online birth stories and in‐depth interviews with women who planned and had an unassisted homebirth reveal ways in which these women rely on competing discourses of midwifery and medicine to craft a unique sense of agency in birth.
Past research suggests that sustaining a young identity helps adults maintain a greater sense of well‐being. The experience of subjective aging, however, is not a spontaneous phenomenon, but stems from lifelong developmental experiences. Drawing from writings on the life course and self‐concept, I consider how parental death in childhood shapes subjective age in adulthood. To examine the effects of maternal and paternal death on subjective age, I employ the Midlife Development in the United States Study (MIDUS). A series of linear regression analyses indicates that maternal death during childhood is associated with an older subjective age in adulthood, death of a father does not have a similar influence on subjective age, and that the effect on subjective age is stronger if maternal death occurred during childhood than during other periods of the life course. The findings highlight interconnections between timing of transitions in the life course, linked lives, and the development of self‐concept. Subjective age in adulthood seems to hinge on important biographical experiences from childhood, such as parental death, though the processes differ by the gender of the deceased parent.
Disability theorists have spent much time discussing how disability is defined. The theoretical roots for these debates reside in the medical, structural, and minority models of disability. The medical model views disability as equivalent to a functional impairment; the minority model sees a lack of equal rights as a primary impediment to social equality between able and disabled populations; and the structural model looks to environmental factors as the cause of disability. While debates over how to define disability are informative, there is currently an insufficient amount of empirical research looking at how people come to identify themselves as having a disability. Rather than focus on how disability is (or should be) defined, herein we look at how disability identities are constructed as people search for work. We show that people's interactions with employers and employment agencies have important influences on how disability identities are constructed. We borrow from the "doing gender" and "racial formations" paradigms to introduce an interactive approach to looking at how disability identities are constructed. We introduce the concept of disability formation to highlight how disability identities are continually negotiated through interactions with employment agencies and employers. Our findings are based on focus groups with 58 people who self‐identified as having a disability and were working or searching for work.
This article explores the effects of language differences on dynamics among youth athletes. Fifteen hours of participant observation were conducted with a youth soccer team, supplemented by five interviews with the coach and with players' parents. With a cohort consisting of a Spanish‐ and English‐speaking bilingual coach, one fully bilingual player and another partly bilingual player, two Spanish‐only‐speaking players, and four English‐only‐speaking players, there were opportunities for many different types of interactions. This article specifically focuses on how language differences served as a catalyst for the creation of exclusionary practices by the adults surrounding the team. However, these practices did not determine the team's culture; rather, there was both accommodation and resistance on the part of the players to those practices of exclusion that the adults had introduced.