Palestinian and Saharawi resistance to Israeli and Moroccan military occupation and colonization has taken creative forms, inevitably engaging internationally, while Palestinians and Sahrawis endeavor to disseminate their own narratives. For instance, alternative media and social networks are added to the means used to break both physical and informational siege, against editorial limitations or political alliances that dictate how news stories are framed or silenced and how struggles are legitimized or vilified, either they use violent tactics or not. This paper tackles Palestinian and Saharawi resistance as a dispute and expansion of spaces of international solidarity, and to address them it brings recent experiences. Such expansion happens especially through alternative means of communication, but also through growing political and academic engagement from various levels and disciplines, especially but not only from general social sciences, International Relations (IR) and International Law (IL). Moreover, state and international civil society actors get involved not only due to ethical concerns with human rights violations but also as a direct engagement in struggles for liberation. Hence, spaces in which Palestinian, Saharawi and international activists promote resistance are addressed here as an ongoing dispute for the international arena, drawing contributions from IR and IL. ; Las resistencias palestina y saharaui a las ocupaciones militares y colonizaciones israelí y marroquí han tomado formas creativas, inevitablemente internacionales, mientras palestinos y saharauis se esfuerzan por diseminar sus propias narrativas. Por ejemplo, se agregan medios alternativos y redes sociales a los medios utilizados para romper el bloqueo físico e informativo, superando las limitaciones editoriales o alianzas políticas que dictan cómo se presentan o silencian las noticias y cómo se legitiman o vilipendian las luchas, sean las que utilizan tácticas violentas o no. Este texto aborda los "terrenos de resistencia" palestinos y saharauis y sus disputas por la expansión de espacios de solidaridad internacional, trayendo experiencias específicas. Dicha expansión ocurre especialmente a través de medios alternativos de comunicación, pero alcanza también un creciente compromiso político y académico desde varios niveles y disciplinas, especialmente, pero no apenas, de las ciencias sociales en general, las Relaciones Internacionales y el Derecho Internacional. Además, actores estatales y de la sociedad civil internacionales se involucran no solo debido a preocupaciones éticas con violaciones de los derechos humanos sino también como un compromiso real con las luchas por liberación. Por lo tanto, los espacios en los que activistas palestinos, saharauis e internacionales promueven la resistencia se tratan aquí como espacios disputados en la arena internacional, con un análisis desde las RRII y el DI.
El artículo aborda los temas relacionados con la necesidad de sacar «de las sombras» los ingresos de los ciudadanos autónomos, estimulando a estos últimos a pagar impuestos y pagos sociales. Se muestran formas de resolver el problema que se aplican en varios estados postsoviéticos, se hace referencia a la experiencia internacional en regulación legal. ; The social and legal status of the self-employed population should take the legislative form, as required by the realities of today. The main subject of discussion is the problem of legalization of the legal status of this category of citizens in Russia; while in many foreign countries already have such experience. This encourages systemic changes in this area. The main idea of future reforms should be not to increase tax revenues to the state budget, but to provide the legal and social basis for small private businesses.
The International Humanitarian Law regime undoubtedly calls for its implementation at a national level in order to have an adequate impact in the regulation of armed conflict. This paper aims to critically explore the application of such regime in Ecuador, not only in terms of the implementation of international treaties in national legislation, but also regarding the role of government and other institutions. For this purpose, Ecuador's accession to international treaties and its connection with national legislation will be analyzed, as well as other actions related to institutions such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Defense, educational institutions, the National Commission of International Human Law and the Ecuadorian Red Cross. ; El régimen de Derecho Internacional Humanitario, sin duda, requiere de su implementación a escala nacional para tener un impacto apropiado en la regulación de los conflictos armados. El presente trabajo busca explorar de manera crítica la aplicación de dicho régimen en Ecuador, no únicamente en términos de implementación de tratados internacionales en la legislación nacional, sino también en el rol del gobierno y otras instituciones. Con este propósito, se analizará la adhesión del Ecuador a tratados internacionales y su vinculación con la legislación nacional, así como otras medidas relativas a instituciones como el Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, el Ministerio de Defensa, entidades educativas, la Comisión Nacional de Derecho Internacional Humanitario y la Cruz Roja Ecuatoriana.
Las resistencias palestina y saharaui a las ocupaciones militares y colonizaciones israelí y marroquí han tomado formas creativas, inevitablemente internacionales, mientras palestinos y saharauis se esfuerzan por diseminar sus propias narrativas. Por ejemplo, se agregan medios alternativos y redes sociales a los medios utilizados para romper el bloqueo físico e informativo, superando las limitaciones editoriales o alianzas políticas que dictan cómo se presentan o silencian las noticias y cómo se legitiman o vilipendian las luchas, sean las que utilizan tácticas violentas o no. Este texto aborda los "terrenos de resistencia" palestinos y saharauis y sus disputas por la expansión de espacios de solidaridad internacional, trayendo experiencias específicas. Dicha expansión ocurre especialmente a través de medios alternativos de comunicación, pero alcanza también un creciente compromiso político y académico desde varios niveles y disciplinas, especialmente, pero no apenas, de las ciencias sociales en general, las Relaciones Internacionales y el Derecho Internacional. Además, actores estatales y de la sociedad civil internacionales se involucran no solo debido a preocupaciones éticas con violaciones de los derechos humanos sino también como un compromiso real con las luchas por liberación. Por lo tanto, los espacios en los que activistas palestinos, saharauis e internacionales promueven la resistencia se tratan aquí como espacios disputados en la arena internacional, con un análisis desde las RRII y el DI ; Palestinian and Saharawi resistance to Israeli and Moroccan military occupation and colonization has taken creative forms, inevitably engaging internationally, while Palestinians and Sahrawis endeavor to disseminate their own narratives. For instance, alternative media and social networks are added to the means used to break both physical and informational siege, against editorial limitations or political alliances that dictate how news stories are framed or silenced and how struggles are legitimized or vilified, either they use violent tactics or not. This paper tackles Palestinian and Saharawi resistance as a dispute and expansion of spaces of international solidarity, and to address them it brings recent experiences. Such expansion happens especially through alternative means of communication, but also through growing political and academic engagement from various levels and disciplines, especially but not only from general social sciences, International Relations (IR) and International Law (IL). Moreover, state and international civil society actors get involved not only due to ethical concerns with human rights violations but also as a direct engagement in struggles for liberation. Hence, spaces in which Palestinian, Saharawi and international activists promote resistance are addressed here as an ongoing dispute for the international arena, drawing contributions from IR and IL
The article examines international experience in the field of judicial protection of land rights and settlement of land disputes. The author analyzes the legal structure of a series of countries of the world and the practice of the specialized judicial agencies. The positive experience of the work of land courts, achieved by different States, is summarized. The analysis of the jurisdiction of land and environmental courts of Australia, Scotland, Sweden, the USA, the Dominican Republic is conducted. On the basis of the conducted research the author gives reasons for a set of proposals concerning the organization of work of the specialized land courts in the Russian Federation.
This article presents an analysis of issues of legal implementation of international norms, principles and standards generally accepted in developed economic countries, in particular, the countries of the European Union and the USA, into the national legal system of financial monitoring of Ukraine. The structural characteristic of the financial monitoring system inherent in any state was taken as a basis, and the authors analyzed the internal national financial monitoring system of Ukraine, its features and gradual modification. The article, through the prism of a review of the main elements of the financial monitoring system, draws conclusions about the possible results of such an implementation, as well as about the prospects for global integration trends in this area further. Following the article, it was concluded that, on the one hand, thanks to active cooperation with authoritative international organizations working in the field of Anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism, the national financial monitoring system was able to rise to a new level of activity in preventing illegal income from entering the legal economy. At the same time, such cooperation was carried out to a greater extent not in a directive and administrative manner, but, in general, had a methodological and consultative nature and dealt with a fairly wide range of issues in this area. On the other hand, it is possible to make a disappointing conclusion that such work, which, of course, brought its positive results, nevertheless, was more carried out on paper, because, when trying to implement some international standards into domestic law, there were a number of difficulties. This reduces the effectiveness of the important and necessary work, which was done in the field of reforming the legal system of financial monitoring of Ukraine. In this regard, Ukraine continues to be under the scrutiny of international organizations and should continue to cooperate with them in the field of Anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism.
El barter es un contrato en el que las partes se hacen contraprestaciones consistentes en la entrega de bienes, aunque también pueden utilizarse unidades de referencia monetaria llamadas unidades-barter, que posibilitan compensaciones y permiten diferir la recepción de la contraprestación. En el contrato internacional de permuta comercial intervienen sujetos pertenecientes a distintos países. Cuando surgen los conflictos sobre la interpretación o cumplimiento del contrato y se impone la necesidad de acudir a un órgano que resuelva el conflicto, las partes pueden someterse a un tribunal de justicia o bien a un arbitraje privado. Esta cuestión debe estar prevista en los contratos. Igualmente es importante considerar la legislación que va a aplicarse a la resolución del problema. Por tanto, una de las cuestiones que se plantean en estos contratos es prever la jurisdicción a la que van a someterse la resolución del conflicto y la legislación aplicable. En el presente trabajo se analizan las diversas opciones que tienen los interesados, así como las consecuencias que pueden derivarse de su elección. ; The barter is a contract in which the parties make counter-payments consisting of the delivery of goods, although they can also use units of monetary reference called barter units, which enable compensation and allow the receipt of the consideration is deferred. Subjects from different countries participate in the international swap contract. When conflicts arise over the interpretation or fulfillment of the contract and the need to go to an organ that resolves the conflict is imposed, the counterparties may submit to a court of law or private arbitration. This question must be foreseen in the agreement. It is also important to consider the governing legislation to the resolution of the problem. Therefore, one of the issues that arises in these contracts is to foresee the jurisdiction to which the resolution of the conflict and the applicable legislation will be submitted. The diverse options that the interested parties ...
In my postgraduate formation during the last years of the 80's, we had close to thirty hospital beds in a pavilion called "sépticas" (1). In Colombia, where abortion was completely penalized, the pavilion was mostly filled with women with insecure, complicated abortions. The focus we received was technical: management of intensive care; performance of hysterectomies, colostomies, bowel resection, etc. In those times, some nurses were nuns and limited themselves to interrogating the patients to get them to "confess" what they had done to themselves in order to abort. It always disturbed me that the women who left alive, left without any advice or contraceptive method. Having asked a professor of mine, he responded with disdain: "This is a third level hospital, those things are done by nurses of the first level". Seeing so much pain and death, I decided to talk to patients, and I began to understand their decision. I still remember so many deaths with sadness, but one case in particular pains me: it was a woman close to being fifty who arrived with a uterine perforation in a state of advanced sepsis. Despite the surgery and the intensive care, she passed away. I had talked to her, and she told me she was a widow, had two adult kids and had aborted because of "embarrassment towards them" because they were going to find out that she had an active sexual life. A few days after her passing, the pathology professor called me, surprised, to tell me that the uterus we had sent for pathological examination showed no pregnancy. She was a woman in a perimenopausal state with a pregnancy exam that gave a false positive due to the high levels of FSH/LH typical of her age. SHE WAS NOT PREGNANT!!! She didn't have menstruation because she was premenopausal and a false positive led her to an unsafe abortion. Of course, the injuries caused in the attempted abortion caused the fatal conclusion, but the real underlying cause was the social taboo in respect to sexuality. I had to watch many adolescents and young women leave the hospital alive, but without a uterus, sometime without ovaries and with colostomies, to be looked down on by a society that blamed them for deciding to not be mothers. I had to see situation of women that arrived with their intestines protruding from their vaginas because of unsafe abortions. I saw women, who in their despair, self-inflicted injuries attempting to abort with elements such as stick, branches, onion wedges, alum bars and clothing hooks among others. Among so many deaths, it was hard not having at least one woman per day in the morgue due to an unsafe abortion. During those time, healthcare was not handled from the biopsychosocial, but only from the technical (2); nonetheless, in the academic evaluations that were performed, when asked about the definition of health, we had to recite the text from the International Organization of Health that included these three aspects. How contradictory! To give response to the health need of women and guarantee their right when I was already a professor, I began an obstetric contraceptive service in that third level hospital. There was resistance from the directors, but fortunately I was able to acquire international donations for the institution, which facilitated its acceptance. I decided to undertake a teaching career with the hope of being able to sensitize health professionals towards an integral focus of health and illness. When the International Conference of Population and Development (ICPD) was held in Cairo in 1994, I had already spent various years in teaching, and when I read their Action Program, I found a name for what I was working on: Sexual and Reproductive Rights. I began to incorporate the tools given by this document into my professional and teaching life. I was able to sensitize people at my countries Health Ministry, and we worked together moving it to an approach of human rights in areas of sexual and reproductive health (SRH). This new viewpoint, in addition to being integral, sought to give answers to old problems like maternal mortality, adolescent pregnancy, low contraceptive prevalence, unplanned or unwanted pregnancy or violence against women. With other sensitized people, we began with these SRH issues to permeate the Colombian Society of Obstetrics and Gynecology, some universities, and university hospitals. We are still fighting in a country that despite many difficulties has improved its indicators of SRH. With the experience of having labored in all sphere of these topics, we manage to create, with a handful of colleagues and friend at the Universidad El Bosque, a Master's Program in Sexual and Reproductive Health, open to all professions, in which we broke several paradigms. A program was initiated in which the qualitative and quantitative investigation had the same weight, and some alumni of the program are now in positions of leadership in governmental and international institutions, replicating integral models. In the Latin American Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FLASOG, English acronym) and in the International Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FIGO), I was able to apply my experience for many years in the SRH committees of these association to benefit women and girls in the regional and global environments. When I think of who has inspired me in these fights, I should highlight the great feminist who have taught me and been with me in so many fights. I cannot mention them all, but I have admired the story of the life of Margaret Sanger with her persistence and visionary outlook. She fought throughout her whole life to help the women of the 20th century to be able to obtain the right to decide when and whether or not they wanted to have children (3). Of current feminist, I have had the privilege of sharing experiences with Carmen Barroso, Giselle Carino, Debora Diniz and Alejandra Meglioli, leaders of the International Planned Parenthood Federation – Western Hemisphere Region (IPPF-RHO). From my country, I want to mention my countrywoman Florence Thomas, psychologist, columnist, writer and Colombo-French feminist. She is one of the most influential and important voices in the movement for women rights in Colombia and the region. She arrived from France in the 1960's, in the years of counterculture, the Beatles, hippies, Simone de Beauvoir, and Jean-Paul Sartre, a time in which capitalism and consumer culture began to be criticized (4). It was then when they began to talk about the female body, female sexuality and when the contraceptive pill arrived like a total revolution for women. Upon its arrival in 1967, she experimented a shock because she had just assisted in a revolution and only found a country of mothers, not women (5). That was the only destiny for a woman, to be quiet and submissive. Then she realized that this could not continue, speaking of "revolutionary vanguards" in such a patriarchal environment. In 1986 with the North American and European feminism waves and with her academic team, they created the group "Mujer y Sociedad de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia", incubator of great initiatives and achievements for the country (6). She has led great changes with her courage, the strength of her arguments, and a simultaneously passionate and agreeable discourse. Among her multiple books, I highlight "Conversaciones con Violeta" (7), motivated by the disdain towards feminism of some young women. She writes it as a dialogue with an imaginary daughter in which, in an intimate manner, she reconstructs the history of women throughout the centuries and gives new light of the fundamental role of feminism in the life of modern women. Another book that shows her bravery is "Había que decirlo" (8), in which she narrates the experience of her own abortion at age twenty-two in sixty's France. My work experience in the IPPF-RHO has allowed me to meet leaders of all ages in diverse countries of the region, who with great mysticism and dedication, voluntarily, work to achieve a more equal and just society. I have been particularly impressed by the appropriation of the concept of sexual and reproductive rights by young people, and this has given me great hope for the future of the planet. We continue to have an incomplete agenda of the action plan of the ICPD of Cairo but seeing how the youth bravely confront the challenges motivates me to continue ahead and give my years of experience in an intergenerational work. In their policies and programs, the IPPF-RHO evidences great commitment for the rights and the SRH of adolescent, that are consistent with what the organization promotes, for example, 20% of the places for decision making are in hands of the young. Member organizations, that base their labor on volunteers, are true incubators of youth that will make that unassailable and necessary change of generations. In contrast to what many of us experienced, working in this complicated agenda of sexual and reproductive health without theoretical bases, today we see committed people with a solid formation to replace us. In the college of medicine at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia and the College of Nursing at the Universidad El Bosque, the new generations are more motivated and empowered, with great desire to change the strict underlying structures. Our great worry is the onslaught of the ultra-right, a lot of times better organized than us who do support rights, that supports anti-rights group and are truly pro-life (9). Faced with this scenario, we should organize ourselves better, giving battle to guarantee the rights of women in the local, regional, and global level, aggregating the efforts of all pro-right organizations. We are now committed to the Objectives of Sustainable Development (10), understood as those that satisfy the necessities of the current generation without jeopardizing the capacity of future generations to satisfy their own necessities. This new agenda is based on: - The unfinished work of the Millennium Development Goals - Pending commitments (international environmental conventions) - The emergent topics of the three dimensions of sustainable development: social, economic, and environmental. We now have 17 objectives of sustainable development and 169 goals (11). These goals mention "universal access to reproductive health" many times. In objective 3 of this list is included guaranteeing, before the year 2030, "universal access to sexual and reproductive health services, including those of family planning, information, and education." Likewise, objective 5, "obtain gender equality and empower all women and girls", establishes the goal of "assuring the universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights in conformity with the action program of the International Conference on Population and Development, the Action Platform of Beijing". It cannot be forgotten that the term universal access to sexual and reproductive health includes universal access to abortion and contraception. Currently, 830 women die every day through preventable maternal causes; of these deaths, 99% occur in developing countries, more than half in fragile environments and in humanitarian contexts (12). 216 million women cannot access modern contraception methods and the majority live in the nine poorest countries in the world and in a cultural environment proper to the decades of the seventies (13). This number only includes women from 15 to 49 years in any marital state, that is to say, the number that takes all women into account is much greater. Achieving the proposed objectives would entail preventing 67 million unwanted pregnancies and reducing maternal deaths by two thirds. We currently have a high, unsatisfied demand for modern contraceptives, with extremely low use of reversible, long term methods (intrauterine devices and subdermal implants) which are the most effect ones with best adherence (14). There is not a single objective among the 17 Objectives of Sustainable Development where contraception does not have a prominent role: from the first one that refers to ending poverty, going through the fifth one about gender equality, the tenth of inequality reduction among countries and within the same country, until the sixteenth related with peace and justice. If we want to change the world, we should procure universal access to contraception without myths or barriers. We have the moral obligation of achieving the irradiation of extreme poverty and advancing the construction of more equal, just, and happy societies. In emergency contraception (EC), we are very far from reaching expectations. If in reversible, long-term methods we have low prevalence, in EC the situation gets worse. Not all faculties in the region look at this topic, and where it is looked at, there is no homogeneity in content, not even within the same country. There are still myths about their real action mechanisms. There are countries, like Honduras, where it is prohibited and there is no specific medicine, the same case as in Haiti. Where it is available, access is dismal, particularly among girls, adolescents, youth, migrants, afro-descendent, and indigenous. The multiple barriers for the effective use of emergency contraceptives must be knocked down, and to work toward that we have to destroy myths and erroneous perceptions, taboos and cultural norms; achieve changes in laws and restrictive rules within countries, achieve access without barriers to the EC; work in union with other sectors; train health personnel and the community. It is necessary to transform the attitude of health personal to a service above personal opinion. Reflecting on what has occurred after the ICPD in Cairo, their Action Program changed how we look at the dynamics of population from an emphasis on demographics to a focus on the people and human rights. The governments agreed that, in this new focus, success was the empowerment of women and the possibility of choice through expanded access to education, health, services, and employment among others. Nonetheless, there have been unequal advances and inequality persists in our region, all the goals were not met, the sexual and reproductive goals continue beyond the reach of many women (15). There is a long road ahead until women and girls of the world can claim their rights and liberty of deciding. Globally, maternal deaths have been reduced, there is more qualified assistance of births, more contraception prevalence, integral sexuality education, and access to SRH services for adolescents are now recognized rights with great advances, and additionally there have been concrete gains in terms of more favorable legal frameworks, particularly in our region; nonetheless, although it's true that the access condition have improved, the restrictive laws of the region expose the most vulnerable women to insecure abortions. There are great challenges for governments to recognize SRH and the DSR as integral parts of health systems, there is an ample agenda against women. In that sense, access to SRH is threatened and oppressed, it requires multi-sector mobilization and litigation strategies, investigation and support for the support of women's rights as a multi-sector agenda. Looking forward, we must make an effort to work more with youth to advance not only the Action Program of the ICPD, but also all social movements. They are one of the most vulnerable groups, and the biggest catalyzers for change. The young population still faces many challenges, especially women and girls; young girls are in particularly high risk due to lack of friendly and confidential services related with sexual and reproductive health, gender violence, and lack of access to services. In addition, access to abortion must be improved; it is the responsibility of states to guarantee the quality and security of this access. In our region there still exist countries with completely restrictive frameworks. New technologies facilitate self-care (16), which will allow expansion of universal access, but governments cannot detach themselves from their responsibility. Self-care is expanding in the world and can be strategic for reaching the most vulnerable populations. There are new challenges for the same problems, that require a re-interpretation of the measures necessary to guaranty the DSR of all people, in particular women, girls, and in general, marginalized and vulnerable populations. It is necessary to take into account migrations, climate change, the impact of digital media, the resurgence of hate discourse, oppression, violence, xenophobia, homo/transphobia, and other emergent problems, as SRH should be seen within a framework of justice, not isolated. We should demand accountability of the 179 governments that participate in the ICPD 25 years ago and the 193 countries that signed the Sustainable Development Objectives. They should reaffirm their commitments and expand their agenda to topics not considered at that time. Our region has given the world an example with the Agreement of Montevideo, that becomes a blueprint for achieving the action plan of the CIPD and we should not allow retreat. This agreement puts people at the center, especially women, and includes the topic of abortion, inviting the state to consider the possibility of legalizing it, which opens the doors for all governments of the world to recognize that women have the right to choose on maternity. This agreement is much more inclusive: Considering that the gaps in health continue to abound in the region and the average statistics hide the high levels of maternal mortality, of sexually transmitted diseases, of infection by HIV/AIDS, and the unsatisfied demand for contraception in the population that lives in poverty and rural areas, among indigenous communities, and afro-descendants and groups in conditions of vulnerability like women, adolescents and incapacitated people, it is agreed: 33- To promote, protect, and guarantee the health and the sexual and reproductive rights that contribute to the complete fulfillment of people and social justice in a society free of any form of discrimination and violence. 37- Guarantee universal access to quality sexual and reproductive health services, taking into consideration the specific needs of men and women, adolescents and young, LGBT people, older people and people with incapacity, paying particular attention to people in a condition of vulnerability and people who live in rural and remote zone, promoting citizen participation in the completing of these commitments. 42- To guarantee, in cases in which abortion is legal or decriminalized in the national legislation, the existence of safe and quality abortion for non-desired or non-accepted pregnancies and instigate the other States to consider the possibility of modifying public laws, norms, strategies, and public policy on the voluntary interruption of pregnancy to save the life and health of pregnant adolescent women, improving their quality of life and decreasing the number of abortions (17).
As a concept, the adequate level of protection for international data transfers remains to some extent unknown and, in the case of the European Union, with regard to Directive 95/46/EC, already repealed, its content has been specified by the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). Its origin is, in the pre-digital era, in international instruments on the protection of personal data and its most relevant development has occurred in the European Union, until reaching the case of the adequacy decision of Japan, which is the first adopted after 25 of May of 2018, which shows the practical application of the elements required under the GDPR. Other countries, particularly in Latin America, have also included the concept ofadequate level in their data protection laws. Although the adequate level is only one of the instruments for international data transfers, the differences that may arise, between countries or regions, as to which countries have an adequate level of protection for international data transfer could lead toconsider whether a multilateral standard that facilitates the latter is advisable. In any case, it should also be considered that the adequacy model is one of the instruments for the international transfer of data, but not the only one, since there may be other mechanisms to apply adequate and effective data protection protections. ; Como concepto, el de nivel adecuado de protección para las transferencias internacionales de datos sigue siendo, en cierta medida, desconocido. En el caso de la Unión Europea, con respecto a la directiva 95/46/CE, ya derogada, su contenido ha sido concretado por el Reglamento General de Protección de Datos (RGPD). Su origen está, en la era predigital, en instrumentos internacionales sobre protección de datos personales. Su desarrollo más relevante se ha producido en la Unión Europea, hasta llegar al caso de la decisión de adecuación de Japón —la primera adoptada después del 25 de mayo de 2018, en la que puede verse la aplicación práctica de los elementos que se requieren conforme al RGPD—. Otros países, en particular en América Latina, también han incluido en sus leyes sobre protección de datos el concepto de nivel adecuado. A pesar de que el nivel adecuado es solo uno de los instrumentos para las transferencias internacionales de datos, las diferencias que pueden surgir, entre países o regiones, en cuanto a qué países tienen o no un nivel adecuado de protección para la transferencia internacional de datos, podrían dar lugar a considerar si sería aconsejable un estándar multilateral que facilitara esta última. En cualquier caso, debe considerarse también que el modelo de adecuación es uno de los instrumentos para la transferencia internacional de datos, pero no el único, ya que pueden existir otros mecanismos para aplicar protecciones adecuadas y efectivas en materia de protección de datos.
El aniversario del nacimiento como disciplina encuentra al estudio de las Relaciones Internacionales en una etapa de revisión y reinterpretación de su trayectoria. La revisión en curso aborda la epistemología, teorías, debates y agendas de investigación, al tiempo que se coloca el foco en la influencia de contextos y actores en el desarrollo de la disciplina, entre ellos de los gobiernos locales y regionales. En este trabajo se estudian textos y contextos referidos a la forma en que la teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales ha investigado el desempeño internacional subnacional. En particular se analiza la forma en que tales desempeños han ingresado al campo de estudio desde su etapa fundacional, para concentrar la atención en la revisión de la categoría actor internacional en el estudio de la paradiplomacia. ; The commemoration of the foundation of International Relations as a scientific discipline, finds the analysis of International Relations in a stage of review and reinterpretation of its trajectory. The ongoing assessment addresses issues such as epistemology, theories, debates, and research agendas focusing on the influence of contexts and stakeholders in the development of the discipline, including local and regional governments. This article alludes to texts and contexts appraising the way in which the theory of International Relations has analyzed subnational international performance. In particular, the way in which such activities have entered this field of study since its founding stage, paying attention to the revision of the category of international actor in the study of paradiplomacy.
This paper seeks to answer the question what have been the main contributions of international political economy (ipe) to the historical evolution of the intellectual field of International Relations (ir) in Argentina. This inquiry is embedded within abroader question about the process of the constitution of the ir field as an autonomous academic discipline in Argentina. In order to do so, I analyze the contributions made by ipe, especially Latin American structuralism and developmentalism, as spaces of theoretical and conceptual production from which part of the thinking about the international reality has been built. The main objective of the paper revolves around reconstructing the ipe agenda and its contribution to the development of Argentine ir through the observation and analysis of the main authors and concepts, the institutions that have served as spaces of knowledge production, and finally the academic journals that have acted as platforms for the dissemination of themes and ideas. ; Este trabajo busca responder a la pregunta acerca de cuáles han sido los principales aportes de la Economía Política Internacional (EPI) al devenir histórico del campo intelectual de las Relaciones Internacionales (RI) en Argentina. El Trabajo se inscribe en dar respuesta a una pregunta más amplia acerca del proceso de constitución del campo de las ri como disciplina académica autónoma en Argentina. Se indagará sobre los aportes realizados por la epi, especialmente, el estructuralismo latinoamericano y el desarrollismo, como espacios de producción teórica y conceptual desde donde se construye parte del pensamiento sobre la realidad internacional. El objetivo del trabajo girará en torno a reconstruir la agenda de epi y su contribución al desarrollo de las ri argentinas mediante la observación y análisis de los principales autores y conceptos, las instituciones que han servido como espacios de producción de conocimiento y las revistas especializadas que actuaron como plataformas para la difusión de temas e ideas. ; Este trabalho busca responder à pergunta acerca de quais têm sido os principais aportes da economia política internacional (epi) ao devir histórico do campo intelectual das Relações Internacionais na Argentina. O trabalho inscreve-se em dar resposta a uma pergunta mais ampla acerca do processo de constituição do campo das ri como disciplina acadêmica autónoma na Argentina. Se indagará sobre os aportes realizados pela epi, especialmente o estruturalismo latino-americano e o desenvolvimentismo, como espaços de produção teórica e conceitual desde onde se constrói parte do pensamento sobre a realidade internacional. O objetivo do trabalho estará ao redor de reconstruir a agenda de epi e a sua contribuição ao desenvolvimento das ri argentinas através da observação e análise dos principais autores e conceitos, as instituições que têm servido como espaços de produção de conhecimento e as revistas especializadas que atuaram como plataformas para a difusão de temas e ideias.
The International Peasant Union was founded in Washington in 1947 as an umbrella organization for the agrarian parties of the countries under Communist rule in Eastern and Central Europe. It developed a remarkable range of activities for three decades, keeping alive the peasantist ideology of the so-called Prague Green International between the wars and at the same time mobilizing every possible ressource for the triumph of the West against the Soviet Union. The exiled agrarian leaders provided a valuable, although biased by their hard personal and political experiences, insight into the reality behind the Iron Curtain, especially in fields related to their expertise (collectivization, agrarian policies and the like). The organization, ideology and range of activities of the IPU are explored at lenght using printed (particularly the IPU Bulletin), archival and bibliographical sources. ; La International Peasant Union se fundó en Washington en 1947 para coordinar a los partidos agrarios de los países bajo dominio comunista en el Este y Centro de Europa. Desarrolló un abanico notable de actividades durante tres décadas, manteniendo viva la ideología agrarista de la llamada Internacional Verde de Praga del periodo de entreguerras y al mismo tiempo movilizando todos los recursos disponibles a favor de Occidente contra la Unión Soviética. Los líderes agrarios exiliados proporcionaron una valiosa, aunque sesgada por sus duras experiencias personales y políticas, visión de la realidad del otro lado del telón de acero, en particular en sus campos de conocimiento (colectivización, políticas agrarias, etc.). La organización, ideología y actividades de la IPU son analizadas con detalle a través de fuentes impresas (en especial su boletín), archivísticas y bibliográficas.
The International Peasant Union was founded in Washington in 1947 as an umbrella organization for the agrarian parties of the countries under Communist rule in Eastern and Central Europe. It developed a remarkable range of activities for three decades, keeping alive the peasantist ideology of the so-called Prague Green International between the wars and at the same time mobilizing every possible ressource for the triumph of the West against the Soviet Union. The exiled agrarian leaders provided a valuable, although biased by their hard personal and political experiences, insight into the reality behind the Iron Curtain, especially in fields related to their expertise (collectivization, agrarian policies and the like). The organization, ideology and range of activities of the IPU are explored at lenght using printed (particularly the IPU Bulletin), archival and bibliographical sources. ; La International Peasant Union se fundó en Washington en 1947 para coordinar a los partidos agrarios de los países bajo dominio comunista en el Este y Centro de Europa. Desarrolló un abanico notable de actividades durante tres décadas, manteniendo viva la ideología agrarista de la llamada Internacional Verde de Praga del periodo de entreguerras y al mismo tiempo movilizando todos los recursos disponibles a favor de Occidente contra la Unión Soviética. Los líderes agrarios exiliados proporcionaron una valiosa, aunque sesgada por sus duras experiencias personales y políticas, visión de la realidad del otro lado del telón de acero, en particular en sus campos de conocimiento (colectivización, políticas agrarias, etc.). La organización, ideología y actividades de la IPU son analizadas con detalle a través de fuentes impresas (en especial su boletín), archivísticas y bibliográficas.
A primera vista, es una cuestión de continuidad. En el 60 aniversario de la Revolución cubana, el referéndum propuesto por el gobierno sobre la reforma de la constitución de Cuba el 24 de febrero de 2019 consiguió nada menos que un 87% de votos afirmativos. Dos años después de la muerte de Fidel Castro, la constitución no solo continúa permitiendo un solo partido, sino que también sostiene que el país se guíe por las ideas de "Marx, Engels y Lenin". En el mismo momento en que la "generación histórica" entrega los puestos de mando del Estado a unos líderes más jóvenes, la constitución consagra el compromiso de Cuba con el "internacionalismo proletario" y expresa su convicción de que "solo en el socialismo y el comunismo el ser humano alcanza su dignidad plena" (Constitución de la República de Cuba 2019). El presidente Miguel Díaz-Canel, un año después de tomar el control de manos de Raúl Castro, lideró la campaña pública a favor del "sí" en el referéndum con el hashtag de twitter "#somoscontinuidad". Así pues, ¿nada nuevo bajo el sol del Caribe? No exactamente. Un despliegue público tan exagerado de "continuismo" no sería necesario si los dirigentes no tuviesen dudas al respecto. Ha habido tantos cambios en la sociedad de la isla, así como en el mundo que rodea a Cuba, que en la era post-Castro "continuidad" no puede traducirse simplemente como "seguir haciendo lo de siempre". Este artículo esbozará los cambios y los retos a los que se enfrenta Cuba. Argumenta que si bien el gobierno de Díaz-Canel ha sido tímido en las reformas políticas concretas, trata de establecer un estilo diferente de gobernanza en el socialismo cubano. Aunque a un ritmo lento, podría estar evolucionando una nueva cultura social y política. Sin embargo, la combinación de la crisis en Venezuela con el endurecimiento de las sanciones estadounidenses amenaza con llevarse por delante el fundamento económico sobre el que descansa el enfoque gradualista de Díaz-Canel. Antes bien, el gobierno cubano podría tener que hacer frente a una incómoda alternativa: o bien regresar a "una economía de guerra en tiempos de paz", como en la década de 1990, o bien acelerar el ritmo de la reforma para recuperar el impulso económico y así generar apoyo social.
