Suchergebnisse

Vol. 1: Belgique. - 653 S. - ISBN 92-829-0315-X; Vol. 2: Belgique. - S. 654-1334. - ISBN 92-829-0300-1; Vol. 3: Danmark. - 725 S. - ISBN 92-829-0301-X; Vol. 4: Deutschland. - 534 S. - ISBN 92-829-0302-8; Vol. 5: Ellas. - 580 S. - ISBN 92-829-0303-6; Vol. 6: Espana. - 635 S. - ISBN 92-829-0304-4; Vol. 7: France I. - 560 S. - ISBN 92-829-0316-8; Vol. 8: France II. - S. 565-1019. - ISBN 92-829-0305-2; Vol. 9: Ireland. - 201 S. - ISBN 92-829-0306-0.; Vol. 10: Italia I. - 435 S. - ISBN 92-829-0317-6; Vol. 11: Italia II. - S. 439-1199. - ISBN 92-829-0307-9; Vol. 12: Luxembourg. - 517 S. - ISBN 92-829-0308-7; Vol. 13: Nederland. - 605 S. - ISBN 92-829-0309-5; Vol. 14: Portugal. - 288 S. - ISBN 92-829-0310-9; Vol. 15: United Kingdom. - 636 S. - ISBN 92-829-0311-7

Katastrophale Lage der sambischen Wirtschaft, die nach wie vor einseitig in fast allen Bereichen vom Kupfer abhängt. Produktion und Preise sind seit den siebziger Jahren stetig gefallen, so daß der zunehmend kostenaufwendige Untertagebau immer unwirtschaftlicher wird. Skizzierung der gegenwärtigen Probleme in den verschiedenen Wirtschaftsbereichen. Starker Kursverfall der überbewertenen Währung, Einführung eines gespaltenen Wechselkurses, hohe Inflation und hohe Verschuldung reflektieren die Fehlentwicklungen der vergangenen Jahre. Ein weiteres Fragezeichen setzt das unverändert hohe Bevölkerungswachstum von mehr als 3 %. Notwendigkeit einer alternativen Strategie, die der Landwirtschaft die höchste Priorität einräumt. (DÜI-Hlb)

Mit einem realen Wirtschaftswachstum von 6,8% p.a. im Zeitraum von 1960-1982 ist Botswana eine Ausnahmeerscheinung unter den schwarzafrikanischen Staaten. Erschließung der mineralischen Ressourcen des Landes (Kupfer/Nickel, Kohle, Diamanten), die politische Stabilität und die wirtschaftliche Verflechtung mit Südafrika als die wichtigsten Ursachen dieses Wachstums. Strukturelle Probleme liegen vor allem in der Notwendigkeit, für die wachsende Bevölkerung Arbeitsplätze schaffen zu müssen, in der rasch zunehmenden Urbanisierung und in der starken Abhängigkeit vom Außenhandel. Die pragmatische Entwicklungsstrategie wird anderen schwarzafrikanischen Staaten als nachahmenswertes Vorbild empfohlen. (DÜI-Hlb)

Yabu, T.: On relations between Greece and Japan. S. 5-22. Chronopoulos, G.: The Meiji reformation 1868-1890: foundation for a modern state. S: 23-42. Chronopoulosm G.: Christianity in Japan from 1500 to modern times. S. 43-52. Roussos, J.: Ancient Greek tragedy and Noh - a parallelism. S. 53-74. Kostakos, G.: Japan on the international political stage and its role in the framework of the United Nations. S. 75-90. Nikolaou, I.: Threat perceptions in the Asian Pacific region. S. 91-106. Vallianatos, S.: The post-war Japanese policy towards the Middle East. S. 107-134. (Text in griechisch). Spanides, P.: JETRO: A commitment to harmony and import expansion. S. 135-150. Klonos, G.: MITI and its role in the Japanese and world economy. S. 151-158. Yamazaki, T.: The action of the Japanese companies facing the EC internal market integration. S. 159-168. Koutsoubas, T.: Japan: a new market opens up. S. 169-180. Papatriantafyllou, D.: Japanese management. S. 181-190. (Text in griechisch)

Vor dem Hintergrund der bereits erfolgten und noch drohenden Sanktionsbeschlüsse gegenüber der RSA kann für die nördlich an Südafrika angrenzenden SADCC-Staaten die Bahnverbindung nach Beira zu einem sehr wichtigen Tor zur Außenwelt werden. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden behandelt: Strategische Bedeutung der Beira-Bahn; Abhängigkeit der SADCC-Staaten von der RSA auf dem Transportsektor; gegenwärtige Kapazität und notwendige Investitionen zur Verbesserung der Bahnverbindung und des Hafens von Beira; Möglichkeiten zu deren Finanzierung. (DÜI-Hlb)

Known from ancient authors such as Herodotus, Thucydides, and Plato, and more than 2,500 inscriptions, proxeny (a form of public guest-friendship) is the best attested interstate institution of the ancient world. This book offers a comprehensive re-examination of our evidence for this important Greek institution and uses it to examine the structure and dynamics of the interstate system of the Greek world, and the way in which these were transformed under the Roman Empire. Based on a detailed analysis of the function of the formulaic language of honorific decrees, this volume presents a new reconstruction of proxeny, and explores the way in which interstate institutions shaped the behaviour of individuals and communities in the ancient world. It draws on other material which has not been systematically exploited to reconstruct the proxeny networks of Greek city-states. This material reveals the extraordinary density of formal interconnections which characterized the ancient Greek world before the age of Augustus and reflected both trade and political contacts of different kinds. 0It also traces the disappearance of both proxeny and the broader institutional system of which it was part. Drawing on nuanced analysis of quantitative trends in the epigraphic record, it argues that the Greek world underwent a profound reorientation by the time of the Roman Principate, which fundamentally altered how Greek cities viewed relations with each other. Readership: For scholars and students interested in the history of ancient Greek institutions, epigraphy, ancient international relations, ancient Greek political structure, and the world of ancient Greece more generally

The database Cretan Institutional Inscriptions was created as part of the PhD research project in Ancient Heritage Studies Kretikai Politeiai: Cretan Institutions from VII to I century BC, carried out at the University of Venice Ca' Foscari by Irene Vagionakis from 2016 to 2019, under the supervision of Claudia Antonetti and Gabriel Bodard. The research project aimed at collecting the epigraphic sources related to the institutional elements of the many political entities of Crete, with a view to highlighting the specificity of each context in the period between the rise of the poleis and the Roman conquest of the island. The main component of the database consists of the epigraphic collection of the 600 inscriptions constituting the core of the documentary base of the study, for each of which an XML edition compliant with the TEI EpiDoc international standard was created. Each EpiDoc edition includes a descriptive and a bibliographic lemma, the text of the inscription, a selective apparatus criticus and a commentary focused on the institutional data offered by the document. In addition to the epigraphic collection, the database includes a collection of the main related literary sources, a catalogue of the attested Cretan institutions (assemblies, boards, officials, associations, civic subdivisions, social statuses, age classes, months, festivities and other celebrations, institutional practices, institutional instruments, public spaces) and a catalogue of the political entities of Crete (poleis, koina, dependent communities, extra-urban sanctuaries, hegemonic alliances). Data and SW available at https://github.com/IreneVagionakis/CretanInscriptions

The so-called "land question" is a well known theme in South African political discourse. Much has been written on the subject in recent times, but also in the historical development of South African politics. This article articulates thoughts concerning the political meaning of land by way of framing the land question as a space of political contestation in South Africa, simultaneously discussing it against a wider international background, acknowledging that the land question is not unique to South Africa and that it also relates to many historical and contemporary political struggles. It is suggested that such an approach possibly may contribute to contextualise the matter and to shed some of the emotional baggage that often pertains to it. The article contextualises land as political contestation while suggesting an interpretation of what politics is. Attention is afforded to the understanding of politics as conflict, but also as reconciliation and compromise against an underlying context of power and its purposes. The latter determining in what kind of country political actors would want to live and relating to interests and values that political actors hold in common. The possibility exists that if reconciliation and compromise are not possible, politics will come to an end, which will not contribute to a sustainable democracy or a solution to the land question. The broader conflicting nature of positions and understandings of the land question in South Africa is further highlighted within the context of political contestation, after which attention is afforded to the positioning of political actors within this contestation.The position of the government and political parties is highlighted within this conflict based framework, noting the different understandings of the land question as well as the commonalities that parties share. Reference is briefly made to non party political actors (formal and informal) which represents the same conflictual positions, but which also alludes to other factors relevant to the land question whereafter these factors are highlighted. These include the broader social and economical issues (which are also understood as political), as well as an agricultural and rural bias in the land question, while it is also a matter of political and socio-economic rights within an urban context. The question is also asked whether solutions to the land question should not be found in a forward looking manner, rather than a romanticised understanding of land. The article concludes with a discussion in regard to the land question, when it is viewed from the perspective of political contestation, as defined in this article, as well as considering the possible outcome of the land question. A suggestion is made that consideration could be given to a re-negotiation of this space of political contestation, as land reform will remain unsuccessful if the politics thereof is not addressed; although this would also entail its own dangers for a democratic South Africa where democracy is not yet fully consolidated. OPSOMMING: Grond en die sogenaamde "grondvraagstuk" is 'n welbekende tema in die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke diskoers. Heelwat is reeds hieroor geskryf in die hedendaagse tydsgewrig, maar ook in die historiese verloop van die Suid-Afrikaanse politiek. Hierdie artikel artikuleer gedagtes rondom die betekenis van grond as politieke stryd (en ook binne die konteks van 'n bepaalde begrip van politiek) in Suid-Afrika, maar plaas dit ook teen 'n wyer internasionale doek. Moontlik kan so 'n benadering bydra om die saak te kontekstualiseer en te ontdaan van die emosionele bagasie wat dikwels daarmee gepaardgaan. Die benadering van die artikel is dat grond as politieke stryd hanteer word, waarna aandag geskenk word aan hoe politieke akteurs hulself posisioneer binne hierdie stryd. Daar word ook kortliks verwys na ander faktore wat 'n rol speel in hierdie politieke stryd. Die artikel sluit af met 'n gevolgtrekking ten opsigte van die grondvraagstuk, wanneer dit vanuit die perspektief van politieke stryd, soos in hierdie artikel omskryf, beskou word en die moontlike uitkoms van die grondvraagstuk oorweeg word. ; http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_issues&pid=0041-4751&lng=en&nrm=iso