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International audience ; The arrangements offered by international community as solutions to Yugoslav dissolution process have significantly affected the development of the Kosovo conflict. These policies failed to produce consensus between the parties in conflict, instead, as the paper demonstrate, they played the role of a catalyst in the initiation of the conflict. This paper, by offering a detailed reconstruction of the process by which the international community tried to settle the Kosovo case, demonstrates how the dynamics of the conflict interacted dynamically with international community attitudes and policies towards the case. The paper discusses the attitudes and policies of international community toward the Kosovo case underlining its attachment to traditional prerequisites of international order instead of inherited causes of conflict. There are three important events that underline the interference of international community in the case of Kosovo before the war: the Conference on Yugoslavia that followed up the creation of the Badinter Committee, the Dayton Agreement and the Rambouillet Talks. These events are explained in details in three separate sections since they have immediate implications for the situation in Kosovo and consequently for the development of the conflict. We first discuss the contribution of existing normative framework to models of international community behavior and their effects in the case of Kosovo conflict following with the reaction of the conflicting parties towards offered arrangements. Both moments are assumed to be of importance in providing a larger picture in the understanding of the outgrowth of Kosovo conflict.

International audience ; The arrangements offered by international community as solutions to Yugoslav dissolution process have significantly affected the development of the Kosovo conflict. These policies failed to produce consensus between the parties in conflict, instead, as the paper demonstrate, they played the role of a catalyst in the initiation of the conflict. This paper, by offering a detailed reconstruction of the process by which the international community tried to settle the Kosovo case, demonstrates how the dynamics of the conflict interacted dynamically with international community attitudes and policies towards the case. The paper discusses the attitudes and policies of international community toward the Kosovo case underlining its attachment to traditional prerequisites of international order instead of inherited causes of conflict. There are three important events that underline the interference of international community in the case of Kosovo before the war: the Conference on Yugoslavia that followed up the creation of the Badinter Committee, the Dayton Agreement and the Rambouillet Talks. These events are explained in details in three separate sections since they have immediate implications for the situation in Kosovo and consequently for the development of the conflict. We first discuss the contribution of existing normative framework to models of international community behavior and their effects in the case of Kosovo conflict following with the reaction of the conflicting parties towards offered arrangements. Both moments are assumed to be of importance in providing a larger picture in the understanding of the outgrowth of Kosovo conflict.

The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of‎ the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and‎ along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda‎ of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a‎ global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories‎ of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment‎ of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social,‎ economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise‎ of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main‎ challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism‎ and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper‎ use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings‎ of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the‎ phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political‎ field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political,‎ necessarily creates action and reaction.‎

After the break-up of the former Yugoslavia, the countries of Western Balkans are slowly establishing mutual economic cooperation, and are struggling with their participation in international trade flow with the usage of international marketing instruments. This significantly decreases their opportunities to accelerate economic development and to improve their competitiveness in the time of new crisis caused by Covid-19 pandemic. Small markets and interstate administrative barriers in the Western Balkans hinder the establishment of new and development of existing enterprises, and cause an outflow of creative human resources. Therefore, it is necessary to promote innovative possibilities of removing barriers for faster circulation of goods, people and capital. The implementation of new models of international marketing could significantly contribute to the intensification of mutual economic cooperation, internationalization of business and attracting foreign investment which are accompanied by the spillover effect. As a result, one could expect the improvement of national economies' competitiveness, increase of exports and gross domestic product and improvement of population living standards. ; Zemlјe Zapadnog Balkana posle raspada bivše Jugoslavije vrlo sporo uspostavlјaju međusobnu privrednu saradnju i zaostaju sa uklјučivanjem u međunarodne privredne tokove, uz pomoć instrumenata međunarodnog marketinga. To značajno umanjuje njihove mogućnosti ubrzanja privrednog razvoja i unapređenja konkurentnosti u uslovima nove ekonomske krize, izazvane pandemijom kovida-19. Mala tržišta i međudržavne administrativne barijere zemalјa Zapadnog Balkana koče osnivanje novih i razvoj postojećih preduzeća, te uzrokuju odliv kreativnih lјudskih resursa. Stoga je potrebno promovisati inovativne mogućnosti uklanjanja barijera za bržu cirkualciju robe, lјudi i kapitala. Primena novih modela međunarodnog marketinga mogla bi značajno doprineti intenziviranju međusobne privredne saradnje, internacionalizaciji poslovanja i privlačenju stranih investicija koje prati spilover efekat. Kao rezultat toga, moglo bi se očekivati unapređenje konkurentnosti privrede ovih zemalјa, povećanje izvoza, povećanje bruto domaćeg proizvoda i standarda stanovništva.

The Fifth Hellenic Week of Contemporary Music (Athens, 1976) has been mainly considered in the context of a major political event: the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974. However, it may also be seen as a landmark for the transition to a postmodern era in Greece. The musical works presented during the Week, as well as their reception by the musical community are indicative of this transition. This paper aims at exploring those two perspectives and places the emphasis on the second, through an analytical comment on Le Tricot Rouge by Giorgos Kouroupos and the critiques in the press. ; Пета грчка недеља савремене музике одржана је 1976. године у Атини. Рецепција авангардних дела, која су се налазила у средишту претходних издања овог фестивала, драматично се променила — од полемичког и/или ентузијастичног става присутног у претходним издањима, до мирнијег и критичнијег става у Петој седмици. Ова значајна промена повезана је с националним политичким и идеолошким разлозима. Међутим, у ширем европском контексту ова промена може указивати и на прелазак са модернистичког на постмодернистичко схватање. Овај рад има за циљ да истражи како две различите перспективе могу утицати на конструкцију значења тих музичких догађаја и ставља акценат на "денационализовану" перспективу, која у први план истиче директнију везу од периферије ка харизматичним центрима. С једне стране, из националне перспективе, поменута промена повезана је са војном диктатуром која је успостављена у Грчкој 1967. године, а укинута 1974. године (Leotsakos 1976). Стога су и композиције поручене од грчких композитора и њихова рецепција током Четврте недеље представљале директне или индиректне изразе протеста против диктаторског режима (Tsagkarakis 2013). С друге стране, напор грчке "прогресивне" музичке заједнице да равноправно комуницира са интернационалном авангардом довео је, најпре, до присвајања постмодерних техника у музичким делима, а затим и до прихватања и мирног сапостојања неколико трендова. Овакав став је очигледан у реакцијама публике током Пете седмице. Последично, Пета недеља се може посматрати у светлу свеопштих промена у Грчкој и Европи тога доба (Romanou 1976, Christopoulou 2009, Samson 2013). У овом контексту, овај рад ће се фокусирати и на специфична музичка дела, посебно Le Tricot Rouge композитора Јоргоса Курупоса (Giorgos Kouroupos), као и на опште ставове музичке заједнице, укључујући ту композиторе, извођаче, публику и критичаре. ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

Autori ovog rada nude pregled i analizu uspona i pada međunarodnog liberalnog‎ poretka koji je nastao nakon okončanja Hladnog rata i uspona moći Sjedinjenih‎ Američkih Država. Spoljnopolitička agenda jedine posthladnoratovske‎ supersile vođena je idejom stvaranja globalnog poretka utemeljenog na ideologiji‎ (globalnog) liberalizma koja u sebi inkorporira teorije liberalnog mira,‎ demokratskog mira i neoliberalnog institucionalizma. Uspostavljanje tzv. globalnog‎ liberalnog poretka dosada je bilo praćeno brojnim političkim, socijalnim,‎ ekonomskim i bezbednosnim krizama, a trenutnu eru međunarodnih odnosa‎ odlikuju uspon relativne moći "neliberalnih" globalnih aktera, pre svega‎ Kine i Rusije, kao glavnih izazivača svetske dominacije Sjedinjenih Američkih‎ Država, te geopolitički revizionizam i ideološka konfrontacija liberalnih i‎ antiliberalnih snaga širom sveta. Autori ovog rada koriste specifičan analitički‎ metod tzv. dijalektike političke mehanike, koji se oslanja na učenja Friedricha‎ Hegela o dijalektici istorije i Carla Schmitta o fenomenu političkog, kako bi‎ objasnili trenutnu dinamiku međunarodnih odnosa, pokazujući da političko‎ polje "permanentno pulsira" što, u svemu što je društveno i političko, nužno‎ kreira akciju i reakciju, čijom dinamikom se mogu tumačiti i globalna zbivanja‎ kojima upravo prisustvujemo.‎ ; The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of‎ the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and‎ along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda‎ of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a‎ global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories‎ of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment‎ of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social,‎ economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise‎ of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main‎ challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism‎ and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper‎ use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings‎ of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the‎ phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political‎ field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political,‎ necessarily creates action and reaction.‎

Globalization has brought about the collapse of the bipolar system of international relations, which was the foundation of the structure of global security based on the technological means of mass production, which predominated at that time. The change from the mass to the flexible way of production has made it necessary to build a new system of global security on the technological resources of flexible production and the political implications of globalization. There are many indications that it was just this new system of global security that began to take shape the day the first NATO bomb fell on Serbia, which means that it came into being: in South- Eastern Europe i.e. in the region that at the beginning of the 20th century ignited the fuse of the world wars and which would, if not for this intervention, still pose a threat. The intervention, a novelty in the postwar international relations, and which consequently brought up a plethora of questions, paved the way to the realization of the project Europe for the 21th century. That project, based on adjusting international relations to globalization, whose outlines are becoming visible in the region of South- Eastern Europe, is in Croatia's interest, and is the major guarantor of the preservation of its independence and sovereignty. (SOI : PM: S. 33)