This study examined the role of an international Agency (USAID) and Democratic Election; A Prognosis to the role of Security Personnel in Nigerian 2015 Elections. USAID and other international Agencies have relentlessly assisted both the emerging and consolidating democracies such as Nigeria, in conducting free and fair elections via provision of some forms of technical assistance so as to achieve credible elections and ensure improved governance but in spite of all these, events and happenings from developed democracies and across the globe have shown that the vitality of election security to the credibility of elections cannot be ignored because the conduct of free and fair elections to a large extent depend on the security system available in the country. This study anchored on Elite theory propounded by Paredo and Gaetano with descriptive qualitative method of data collection and Content analysis. It discovered that the fact that consistently undermined democratic consolidation in Nigeria is the varying degrees and measures of electoral violence so it therefore recommends that impartial and unbiased security agencies should be recruited for each election in order to prevent the reoccurrence of electoral violence during each election.
Myanmar is currently faced with conflicts mainly considered as crimes against humanity that require resolution sooner or later. The conflict in Myanmar is closely linked to ethnicity, creating a cycle of violence that continues to escalate without any possibility of diminishing. The inability of the state to address ethnic minority grievances or provide adequate security to communities has created a literal arms race among minority groups. More action needs to be taken to finally resolve the situation and crisis unfolding in Myanmar, and that is where countries in Southeast Asia play a very important role for conflict resolution. This research was carried out using qualitative method with descriptive analysis regarding to the situation that occurred in Myanmar, especially regarding the Rohingya crisis and the Myanmar Military Coup which was the focus of the research. The escalation of the humanitarian conflict and the deprivation of democracy by the Myanmar people, requires joint handling in order to avoid further expansion of the conflict. In this case, neighboring countries such as Indonesia have an important role as a driver of mediation in regional forums to resolve conflicts in Myanmar. ASEAN, as a diplomatic platform in the Southeast Asian region, must be put forward and reach a consensus for finally intervening in the Myanmar conflict, which is taking more and more lives. The United Nations with the principle of responsibility to protect can also play a role in overcoming the conflict, considering that the conflict has resulted in crimes against humanity that cannot be tolerated.
The idea of Vietnam's opening, cooperating and integrating into the world has been sprung up in the very early days of the modern Vietnamese diplomacy under the leadership of President Ho Chi Minh. In the Doi Moi era, with creative application of Ho Chi Minh's Thoughts on international cooperation and integration, the Communist Party of Vietnam has gradually supplemented, improved and developed its perception on international integration in accordance with the evaluation of the world situation, international relations, new trends, the interactive relations between Vietnam and the world, opportunities and challenges for Vietnam in realizing the goals of security, development and raising its position in the international arena. The research paper will focus on studying the evolution of the Communist Party of Vietnam's perception on international integration, a crucial factor contributing to significant achievements in the cause of national renovation in general and foreign policy renewal in particular. ; Tư tưởng mở cửa, hợp tác và hội nhập với thế giới của Việt Nam đã được hình thành từ những ngày đầu tiên của nền ngoại giao Việt Nam hiện đại, dưới sự lãnh đạo của Chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh. Bước sang thời kỳ Đổi Mới, vận dụng sáng tạo Tư tưởng Hồ Chí Minh về hợp tác và hội nhập quốc tế, Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam đã từng bước hoàn thiện, bổ sung và phát triển tư duy về hội nhập quốc tế trên cơ sở đánh giá tình hình thế giới, quan hệ quốc tế, các xu thế mới, các mối tương quan giữa Việt Nam và thế giới cũng như những cơ hội và thách thức đối với Việt Nam trong việc thực hiện các mục tiêu đảm bảo an ninh, phát triển và nâng cao vị thế của đất nước. Bài viết tập trung tìm hiểu quá trình phát triển tư duy của Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam về hội nhập quốc tế, nhân tố quan trọng góp phần đem lại những thành tựu đáng kể trong sự nghiệp đổi mới đất nước nói chung và đổi mới về đối ngoại nói riêng.
International economic integration is one of the major policies of the Vietnam's Government and the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) in the time of doi moi (renovation). This policy has been mentioned in several important resolutions and been implemented intensively since the Ninth National Congress of CPV. Through the national congresses of CPV, the policy of international economic integration has had new developments with new contents which have met the requirements of the domestic situation and matched with the general trend of our time. The Eleventh National Congress of CPV have developed the policy of foreign relations to a new height, in which international integration has become a major orientation of foreign relations. With this orientation, the characteristics and the level of international intergation have been improved, the scope of international integration has been extended. ; Hội nhập kinh tế quốc tế là một chủ trương lớn của Đảng và Nhà nước ta trong thời kỳ đổi mới. Chủ trương đó đã được đề cập đến trong nhiều nghị quyết quan trọng và được triển khai mạnh mẽ từ Đại hội IX đến nay. Qua các kỳ Đại hội Đảng, chủ trương hội nhập kinh tế quốc tế đã có những bước phát triển mới với những nội dung mới, vừa đáp ứng đòi hỏi của tình hình trong nước vừa phù hợp với xu thế chung của thời đại. Đại hội XI của Đảng đã phát triển đường lối, chính sách đối ngoại lên một tầm cao mới, trong đó, hội nhập quốc tế trở thành định hướng đối ngoại lớn. Với định hướng này, tính chất và trình độ hội nhập quốc tế được nâng cao, phạm vi hội nhập quốc tế được mở rộng.
Global developments that are full of dynamics are marked by the emergence of interdependence between countries. Global developments are in line with the development of science and technology which causes countries to seem borderless. The blurring of boundaries between countries and the development of an increasingly dynamic environment are also accompanied by the development of increasingly broad and multidimensional threats. This global development is also marked by the emergence of new actors in international relations. The development of threats and increasing global issues that cannot be handled by the state alone have created a new phenomenon in the international relations order, namely global governance. Previously, the state was the sole actor in the order of international relations. However, with global governance, there is a new arrangement in the international relations system that accommodates all actors who play a role. This research will use a qualitative phenomenological method. The theory used in this research are global governance, defense diplomacy and international organization as a basis theory and concept, and also a security theory as supporting theory. In the end, we can see that the change of international order can bring the positive effect for countries in achieving their national goals and accomplish their national interests.
The Industrial Revolution 4.0 (IR4.0) is taking shape and has a strong impact on all areas of social life. For the state administration, the IR4.0 creates many opportunities as well as challenges that require managers to promptly grasp to have appropriate orientations and solutions, to perfect the state administration, to meet the requirements of national development. On the basis of analyzing the positive effects and challenges of IR4.0 on the reform of the state administration, the article proposes a number of recommendations: actively improve the institutional system of the administration, create a legal corridor for the development of industries and fields; promote the application of modern technological achievements to the management activities of administrative agencies; actively, proactively build and improve the qualifications and capacity of civil servants. Thereby, it will continue to perfect the state administration, and meet the requirements of IR4.0.
Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is previously not a homogenous model, nor a school or a paradigm, but at most a shared respective in doing linguistics, semantics, or discourse analysis. The objective of CDA is to perceive language use as social practice. The researchers in this paper have done this at the 58th session of the UN General assembly, New York. The theoretical framework used for the analysis is Fairclough's model, 1992. This research paper has analysed the data qualitatively. This research work has explained and clarified the intellectual and invulnerable strategies, ideologies of President Musharraf, Pakistani president for global, political, economic, social and cultural development not only for his own country but for the entire world, especially developing countries. CDA of G-P-M speech shows that his motto is peace, security and development of human rights, implementation of international law, social justice for everyone and multilateral diplomacy by the support of the war on terror and cooperation with the international community. Pervaiz Musharaf has presented a positive and soft image of Pakistan.
India and Pakistan both are South Asian nuclear states, having a historical animosity that mainly stems from unresolved Kashmir issue. Both states realized the importance of peace therefore went for the negotiations after every battle. However, neither war nor negotiation could lead to the permanent solution. This article presents a critical analysis of the talks and negotiations held from 1998 to 2004 in order to restore peace and to resolve conflicts between both neighbors. The official documents i.e. declarations, agreements and recommendations of the CBMs have provided quite solid material for analytical discussion. Though a great desire of resolving all issues peacefully, including the issue of water and Kashmir through dialogue on both sides have been explored from this analysis, however the resilient elements prevail and deteriorate the peace process on both sides. The role of media has also been found negative in making public opinion. If the international law is implemented and the people of Kashmir are given their right of self-determination under the UNO resolutions both countries can live in peace and address their other issues
: Energy diplomacy as a country's foreign policy agenda in securing access to international energy sources. The significance of energy for a country can always be a cause or proxy for its foreign policy or even its military actions. The plan for the development of nuclear power plants in Indonesia in support of the climate change program is based on global agreements and is able to provide a deterrent effect on national defense. However, until now the role of defense diplomacy in achieving national interests has not been optimal and its achievements are still limited to defense issues only (Sudarsono et al., 2018). This study aims to analyze the role of diplomacy on energy and defense, where diplomacy provides a first treat on energy, thereby realizing national energy security supported by defense diplomacy. This study uses a literature study to collect relevant data related to energy diplomacy, nuclear power plant development plans to support the NDC program, and defense diplomacy. The results of the study indicate that a diplomacy synergy is needed in achieving the national interest. Defense diplomacy can be synergized with energy diplomacy, which in this case is able to accelerate the development of nuclear power plants in Indonesia which provides a multiplier effect both in terms of energy security in the issue of climate change, even to the deterrent effect of Indonesian defense. The effect of diplomacy on energy indicates that diplomacy has a significant role in politics and the economy that a country's energy can create.
Accounting for nearly 80% of the global population and occupying three quarters of the world' area, the developing countries are affirming their roles in the global progress. However, the independence and sovereignty of these countries are often faced with many challenges stemming from upheavals in the international security environment, globalization, violence policies of big countries and power competition among them. In this context, in order to preserve their independence and sovereignty, the developing countries need to build democratic and progressive states, improve their real national strengths, struggle against the "peaceful evolution" of the powerful nations. This paper analyzes factors which influence the independence and sovereignty as well as the current process of struggling and defending the independence and sovereignty of the developing countries ; Chiếm khoảng 80% dân số và ¾ diện tích toàn cầu, các nước đang phát triển đang khẳng định vai trò, vị thế của mình trong đời sống quốc tế. Tuy nhiên, độc lập, chủ quyền của các nước đang phát triển luôn đứng trước nhiều thách thức đến từ những biến động của môi trường an ninh quốc tế; chính sách cường quyền của các nước lớn; quá trình toàn cầu hóa; sự cạnh tranh quyền lực của các nước lớn. Trong bối cảnh đó, để giữ được độc lập, chủ quyền, các nước đang phát triển cần xây dựng một nhà nước dân chủ, tiến bộ; tăng cường thực lực quốc gia; đấu tranh chống "diễn biến hòa bình" của các nước lớn. Bài viết phân tích những nhân tố tác động đến độc lập, chủ quyền và quá trình đấu tranh bảo vệ độc lập, chủ quyền của các nước đang phát triển hiện nay.
Import and export activities have contributed greatly to the development of the Lao People\'s Democratic Republic over the last years. By means of descriptive statistical analysis, comparison, comtrast, synthesis, and generalization of the data released by the National Statistical Bureau and world's financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or the World Bank (WB), this paper will clarify the successes in the economic developments of Laos, the successes and shortcomings of import and export activities, the impacts of the results of the import and export activities on the country\'s economic growth. Finally, the article will make implications of the country\'s import development policies of the Lao People's Democratic Republic in the years to come. ; Hoạt động xuất nhập khẩu đóng góp rất lớn vào sự phát triển của nước Cộng hòa Dân chủ Nhân dân Lào trong những năm qua. Bài báo này bằng phương pháp phân tích thống kê mô tả, so sánh, đối chiếu, tổng hợp và khái quát hóa các số liệu của Tổng cục Thống kê nước này và của các định chế tài chính thể giới như Quỹ tiền tệ thế giới - IMF hay Ngân hàng thế giới WB. Từ đó bài báo đã làm rõ được những thành công trong phát triển kinh tế của Lào, những thành công và yếu kém của hoạt động xuất nhập khẩu, tác động từ kết quả của hoạt động xuất nhập khẩu tới tăng trưởng kinh tế của quốc gia này. Nội dung cuối cùng của bài viết là các hàm ý chính sách phát triển xuất nhập khẩu của nước Cộng hòa Dân chủ Nhân dân Lào trong những năm tới.
This article explores the significant role that the state is still expected to play in initiating and implementing the energy transition. In this regard, it is laid out in three parts. Part I focuses on the premise of the role that derives from constitutional law. This role is considered classic, because it is based on different functions of the state, and the legitimate constrain that distinguishes it from other social actors, including non-state actors. Tremendous materials are offered by the analysis either from the perspective of sociology or law studies when it comes to the specific situation of French-speaking African states. The scope of analysis is broadened with the energy law approach. With a focus on African English-speaking countries, the article examines both the way the state is enforcing statutes aiming to design its own transition scheme and exercising its discretionary power through its energy policy. Beyond the functions of the state—deriving from its sovereign power—these elements set out the direction in quest of a specific role the state can play in the energy transition as a process in Part II. As such, the energy transition, if it is to lead to coherent social change, requires strong and dynamic leadership, including clear, nuanced, and forward-looking direction on the broad sections of the overall process, and the environmental justice issues that necessarily cluster around them. For this reason, the role of the state is construed as both a steering role, and an integrative role for environmental, economic and social issues. Part III provides a rationale for the necessary and strong support of international cooperation—to the state—in order to achieve the paradigm shift smoothly. In Part IV, I emphasize the African Union's transition initiatives in the run-up to COP 25, which I hold out as an inducement for states' efforts. In fact, this article seeks to address these issues. Taken together, they could help build a coherent pattern of the role that African states play in the energy ...
Building a livable city is the top objective of local governments. 'Green City' is concerned, researched, and constructed effectively in some cities around the world. The paper is to identify a green city's benefits to humans and the environment. Moreover, this study also establishes criteria of the green city according to international standards in emerging cities, especially in 5 criteria such as green space and land use, atmosphere, water resource, and energy supply. Finally, the criteria of the green city established are used for scoring and assessing Vung Tau city. Currently, Vung Tau city has 60.9 scores below a green city's standards with 65 scores; however, it can be changed by proposals in development policies to get 69.3 scores. ; Việc xây dựng một thành phố đáng sống là một mục tiêu hàng đầu của các chính phủ địa phương. Thành phố xanh "Green City" đang được quan tâm, nghiên cứu, và xây dựng một cách hiệu quả tại nhiều thành phố trên thế giới. Bài báo này sẽ làm rõ ràng những chức năng mà một thành phố xanh mang lại. Ngoài ra, nghiên cứu này cũng xây dựng những tiêu chí của thành phố xanh đạt tiêu chuẩn quốc tế tại các thành phố đang phát triển, đặc biệt là 5 tiêu chí không gian xanh và sử dụng đất; giao thông; không khí; nguồn nước; nguồn năng lượng. Hơn nữa, việc ứng dụng các tiêu chí thành phố xanh cho việc chấm điểm và đánh giá Thành phố Vũng Tàu. Hiện nay, thành phố Vũng Tàu được chấm 60.9 điểm, mức điểm này ở dưới tiêu chuẩn của một thành phố xanh là 65 điểm, tuy nhiên trong tương lai gần với những chính sách phát triển phù hợp thì số điểm này có thể tăng lên đến 69.3 điểm.
The so-called "land question" is a well known theme in South African political discourse. Much has been written on the subject in recent times, but also in the historical development of South African politics. This article articulates thoughts concerning the political meaning of land by way of framing the land question as a space of political contestation in South Africa, simultaneously discussing it against a wider international background, acknowledging that the land question is not unique to South Africa and that it also relates to many historical and contemporary political struggles. It is suggested that such an approach possibly may contribute to contextualise the matter and to shed some of the emotional baggage that often pertains to it. The article contextualises land as political contestation while suggesting an interpretation of what politics is. Attention is afforded to the understanding of politics as conflict, but also as reconciliation and compromise against an underlying context of power and its purposes. The latter determining in what kind of country political actors would want to live and relating to interests and values that political actors hold in common. The possibility exists that if reconciliation and compromise are not possible, politics will come to an end, which will not contribute to a sustainable democracy or a solution to the land question. The broader conflicting nature of positions and understandings of the land question in South Africa is further highlighted within the context of political contestation, after which attention is afforded to the positioning of political actors within this contestation.The position of the government and political parties is highlighted within this conflict based framework, noting the different understandings of the land question as well as the commonalities that parties share. Reference is briefly made to non party political actors (formal and informal) which represents the same conflictual positions, but which also alludes to other factors relevant to the land question whereafter these factors are highlighted. These include the broader social and economical issues (which are also understood as political), as well as an agricultural and rural bias in the land question, while it is also a matter of political and socio-economic rights within an urban context. The question is also asked whether solutions to the land question should not be found in a forward looking manner, rather than a romanticised understanding of land. The article concludes with a discussion in regard to the land question, when it is viewed from the perspective of political contestation, as defined in this article, as well as considering the possible outcome of the land question. A suggestion is made that consideration could be given to a re-negotiation of this space of political contestation, as land reform will remain unsuccessful if the politics thereof is not addressed; although this would also entail its own dangers for a democratic South Africa where democracy is not yet fully consolidated. OPSOMMING: Grond en die sogenaamde "grondvraagstuk" is 'n welbekende tema in die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke diskoers. Heelwat is reeds hieroor geskryf in die hedendaagse tydsgewrig, maar ook in die historiese verloop van die Suid-Afrikaanse politiek. Hierdie artikel artikuleer gedagtes rondom die betekenis van grond as politieke stryd (en ook binne die konteks van 'n bepaalde begrip van politiek) in Suid-Afrika, maar plaas dit ook teen 'n wyer internasionale doek. Moontlik kan so 'n benadering bydra om die saak te kontekstualiseer en te ontdaan van die emosionele bagasie wat dikwels daarmee gepaardgaan. Die benadering van die artikel is dat grond as politieke stryd hanteer word, waarna aandag geskenk word aan hoe politieke akteurs hulself posisioneer binne hierdie stryd. Daar word ook kortliks verwys na ander faktore wat 'n rol speel in hierdie politieke stryd. Die artikel sluit af met 'n gevolgtrekking ten opsigte van die grondvraagstuk, wanneer dit vanuit die perspektief van politieke stryd, soos in hierdie artikel omskryf, beskou word en die moontlike uitkoms van die grondvraagstuk oorweeg word. ; http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_issues&pid=0041-4751&lng=en&nrm=iso