Predmet rada je analiza granica dopuštenosti državne upotrebe oružane sile kao reakcije na terorističke napade koje počine terorističke skupine kao nedržavni akteri. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na međunarodnopravni okvir koji određuje pretpostavke za upotrebu oružane sile u ostvarivanju prava na samoobranu, čije tumačenje u posljednjih nekoliko godina u teoriji i praksi podliježe modifikacijama kojima se želi opravdati upotreba oružane sile u samoobrani protiv nedržavnih aktera, dakle, preko granica određenih međunarodnim pravom. Autorica se u radu kritički osvrće na spomenuto proširivanje tumačenja prava na samoobranu i predlaže primjenu drugih, u međunarodnom pravu utemeljenih mjera kojima države, predvođene Vijećem sigurnosti Ujedinjenih naroda, mogu odgovoriti na terorističke napade. ; The subject of this paper is an analysis of the limitations of the legality of the use of armed force by States as a response to terrorist attacks committed by terrorist groups as non-State actors. A special emphasis is placed on the international legal framework which prescribes prerequisites for the use of armed force in the implementation of the right to self-defence. Modifications in the interpretation of the right to self-defence, initiated by a rising number of terrorist attacks, tend to justify the use of armed force in self-defence against non-State actors, which is not in accordance with international law. The author critically examines the expanded interpretation of the right to self-defence and proposes that other instruments be applied in accordance with the international legal framework, which States led by the UN Security Council can use in response to terrorist attacks.
The protracted conflict in Kosovo has led to the European Union's special concern on the issue, specifically its special activities in the entire area of the Western Balkans with the aim of fully Europeanizing the area and bringing it closer to European integration. The period from the 1980s was a kind of turning point for Kosovo, given that the changed constitutional possibilities in the then state gave the opportunity for independence and the establishment of the state of Kosovo. The understanding of the entire Kosovo issue needs to be observed from the historical aspect and the role of the international community. In general, the state of Kosovo was created mainly based on international action, which laid the foundations for the establishment of a modern European state. In this process, the Ahtisaari Plan and Resolution 1244 from 1999, from which the European Union derives its activities, played a particularly important role. Until now, Kosovo has gone through three periods – that of political unrest until the 1990s, the intensive actions of the international community until the 2000s, and the period of the European Union, which is still ongoing, more precisely, only beginning since Kosovo has signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement. The European Union has a significant impact on the further development of the state of Kosovo in terms of the rule of law, the establishment of democratic standards, and the strengthening of transparent government. Profiling itself as an important global factor in peace and stability, the European Union in Kosovo has achieved the results that are visible through the EULEX mission and the actions of the High Representative of the European Union in Kosovo, as well as all other European Union institutions. At the end of the second decade of this century, the influence of the United States of America in Kosovo, which has never lost interest in establishing peace and stability in this area, is growing again. That is the reason why joint action by the United States of ...
Ovaj rad bavi se političkom simbolikom zastave kao sastavnim dijelom političkih rituala i političke mitologije te posebice desakralizacijom (profanacijom) zastave kao fenomenom izrazitog političkog simbolizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se povijesni pregled desakralizacije zastave, nacionalne i državne, dok u drugom dijelu autor razmatra fenomen desakralizacije zastave među-narodnih organizacija. Zatim se analizira slučaj desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije u Hrvatskoj 2011. godine u kontekstu kaznenog progona počinitelja i u kontekstu interpretacije kaznenih sankcija, pri čemu autor tvrdi da se odredba članka 186. Kaznenog zakona ne može odnositi na zastavu Europske Unije jer je Lisabonskim ugovorom, koji je stupio na snagu 1. prosinca 2009., dotadašnja zastava EU-a prestala biti službenom. S druge strane EU nije klasična međunarodna organizacija, već politička asocijacija zemalja članica sui generis, pa tako izmiče definiciji međunarodne organizacije, što je potvrđeno i Rezolucijom Opće skupštine UN-a od 3. svibnja 2011. U takvom kontekstu promašen je kazneni progon palitelja zastave EU-a u Hrvatskoj, kao što je neprimjerena i kaznena odredba sa zapriječenom kaznom koja na simboliku paljenja zastave odgovara simbolikom represije. U zaključku autor iznosi da je za politologiju od posebne važnosti izučavanje političke simbolike, što obrazlaže svojom analizom na primjeru desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije. ; This article deals with the political symbolism of the flag as a constituent part of political rituals and political mythology, and special attention is given to the desecration of the flag as a phenomenon of exceptional political symbolism. The author reviews cases of flag desecration, national and international, while in the second part of the article deals with the desecration of international organizations' flags highlighting the desecration of the EU flag. Then the article analyses the desecration of the EU flag in Croatia in 2011 within the context of criminal proceedings initiated against the perpetrators. In doing so, the author finds that Art. 186 of the Croatian Penal Code cannot apply to the desecration of the EU flag as a symbol of an international organization, because the EU is not a classical international organization, but an association of states sui generis, as the German Federal Constitutional court ruled in 1993. Moreover, the flag of Europe is not the official flag of the EU any more since the provisions on EU symbols were cancelled in the Lisbon Treaty entering into force on December 1, 2009. Therefore flag burners or flag rippers cannot be prosecuted under the provisions of this article, because no one can be indicted for a non-existing symbol. However, the study of political symbols is very important in contemporary political science and this should be dealt with in analysis and research.
Global mapping is an international collaborative initiative through voluntary participation of national mapping organizations of the world, aiming to develop a globally homogeneous geographic data set at the ground resolution of 1 km, and to establish concrete partnership among governments, NGOs, private sectors, data providers and users to share information and knowledge for sound decision-making. The primary objective of Global Map project is to contribute to the sustainable development through the provision of base framework geographic dataset, which is necessary to understand the current situation and changes of environment of the world. The purpose of the Global Map is to accurately describe the present status of the global environment in international cooperation with respective National Mapping Organizations (NMOs) of the world. International Steering Committee for Global Mapping (ISCGM) has been playing a central role in the development of the Global Map data sets. It was established in February 13th 1996 in Tsukuba Japan by the participants of the Preparatory Meeting of the ISCGM, and its First Meeting was held on February 14th, 1996. The Global Map data sets produced by converting existing geographic information into Global Map Specifications and country-specific data sets for 22 countries developed by respective NMOs are currently distributed to the public through the internet web site www.iscgm.org. The Global Map data of Macedonia as a first European country was published at the web page of the International Steering Committee for Global Mapping on March 8th 2006. This data is open for all governmental institutions, private sector and other users, only for non-commercial uses. ; Global Mapping je međunarodna inicijativa suradnje kroz dobrovoljno sudjelovanje nacionalnih kartografskih organizacija iz cijeloga svijeta u svrhu razvoja globalnoga homogenoga skupa geopodataka s razlučivošću od 1 km na Zemljinoj površini i osnivanja konkretnih partnerstava između vlada, nevladinih organizacija, privatnoga sektora, dobavljača podataka i korisnika kako bi razmijenili informacije i znanje za dobro donošenje odluka. Glavni je cilj projekta Global Map pridonijeti održivom razvoju stvaranjem osnovne mreže skupa geopodataka, koja je nužna za razumijevanje trenutačne situacije i promjena okoliša u svijetu. Svrha je Global Mapa točno opisivanje trenutačnoga stanja globalnog okoliša u međunarodnoj suradnji s odgovarajućim nacionalnim kartografskim organizacijama (National Mapping Organizations - NMOs) iz svijeta. Međunarodno nadzorno povjerenstvo za globalnu kartografiju (International Steering Committee for Global Mapping - ISCGM) igralo je središnju ulogu u razvoju skupova podataka Global Mapa. Osnovali su ga 13. veljače 1996. u Tsukubi (Japan) sudionici Pripremnog sastanka ISCGM-a (Preparatory Meeting of the ISCGM), a prvi je sastanak održan 14. veljače 1996. Skupovi podataka Global Mapa proizvedeni su pretvaranjem postojećih geoinformacija prema tehničkim uputama Global Mapa (Global Map Specifications) iz skupova podataka, specifičnih za određenu zemlju, za 22 zemlje. Ti podaci, što su ih proizvele odgovarajuće nacionalne kartografske ogranizacije, javno se objavljuju putem interneta, na adresi www.iscgm.org. Dana 8. ožujka 2006. na web stranici ISCGM-a objavljeni su podaci Global Mapa za Makedoniju kao prvu europsku zemlju. Ti su podaci dostupni svim vladinim institucijama, privatnom sektoru i drugim korisnicima za nekomercijalnu upotrebu.
Liga naroda prva je moderna međunarodna organizacija koja je počivala na ideji kolektivne sigurnosti na globalnoj razini. Imajući to u vidu, u radu se nastoji na sustavan način razmotriti kolektivnu sigurnost i njezine mehanizme sadržane u Paktu Lige naroda. U tom cilju, nakon uvodnih razmatranja i kraćeg osvrta na pojmovno određenje, pretpostavke, korijene i kritike kolektivne sigurnosti, u radu se pobliže razmatraju njezini mehanizmi u Paktu Lige naroda kako bi se istražilo, prvo, u kojim su odredbama bili sadržani ti mehanizmi i u čemu su se oni sastojali; drugo, zašto ti mehanizmi nisu uspjeli ostvariti svoju svrhu. Iz tog razloga, zaključci u radu temeljeni su na normativnoj analizi Pakta Lige naroda, ali i na pojedinim primjerima iz povijesti međunarodnih odnosa u tom razdoblju. ; Although the idea of collective security has long existed in the history of international relations, the League of Nations was the first modern international organisation based on the idea of collective security at the global level. In this context, the author aims at giving a systematic review of collective security and its mechanisms comprised in the Covenant of the League of Nations. To this end, after introductory considerations and a short review of the conceptual definition, postulates, roots, and critiques of collective security, the paper discusses its mechanisms in the Covenant of the League of Nations in order to examine, firstly, which provisions encompassed these mechanisms and what they were composed of and secondly, why these mechanisms failed to achieve their purpose. For this reason, the conclusions in this paper rely on a normative analysis of the Covenant of the League of Nations, as well as on the specific examples from the history of international relations during the period considered.
Although the idea of collective security has long existed in the history of international relations, the League of Nations was the first modern international organisation based on the idea of collective security at the global level. In this context, the author aims at giving a systematic review of collective security and its mechanisms comprised in the Covenant of the League of Nations. To this end, after introductory considerations and a short review of the conceptual definition, postulates, roots, and critiques of collective security, the paper discusses its mechanisms in the Covenant of the League of Nations in order to examine, firstly, which provisions encompassed these mechanisms and what they were composed of and secondly, why these mechanisms failed to achieve their purpose. For this reason, the conclusions in this paper rely on a normative analysis of the Covenant of the League of Nations, as well as on the specific examples from the history of international relations during the period considered. ; Liga naroda prva je moderna međunarodna organizacija koja je počivala na ideji kolektivne sigurnosti na globalnoj razini. Imajući to u vidu, u radu se nastoji na sustavan način razmotriti kolektivnu sigurnost i njezine mehanizme sadržane u Paktu Lige naroda. U tom cilju, nakon uvodnih razmatranja i kraćeg osvrta na pojmovno određenje, pretpostavke, korijene i kritike kolektivne sigurnosti, u radu se pobliže razmatraju njezini mehanizmi u Paktu Lige naroda kako bi se istražilo, prvo, u kojim su odredbama bili sadržani ti mehanizmi i u čemu su se oni sastojali; drugo, zašto ti mehanizmi nisu uspjeli ostvariti svoju svrhu. Iz tog razloga, zaključci u radu temeljeni su na normativnoj analizi Pakta Lige naroda, ali i na pojedinim primjerima iz povijesti međunarodnih odnosa u tom razdoblju.
The paper is analysing the influence of international institutions on social policy creation in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008. The first section gives an overview of the relevant literature, followed by a presentation of socio – economic factors that led to international credit agreement, reform agenda and actual implementation of social protection reforms. Through the analysis of proclaimed social protection objectives and their implementation by local institutions in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, an assessment of the achieved results is done in the light of realised savings and better targeting of social transfers. The paper sheds some light on inconsistent policy of both international institutions and government actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, despite the proclaimed reform objectives, the system of social protection based on status rights which is fiscally unsustainable, and poorly targeted towards the poor still remains largely unchanged. ; Rad se bavi analizom utjecaja međunarodnih institucija na socijalnu politiku u Bosni i Hercegovini od početka ekonomske krize 2008. godine. U prvom se dijelu rada daje pregled relevantne literature, zatim se prezentiraju socio-ekonomski čimbenici koji su doveli do sklapanja međunarodnog kreditnog aranžmana, reformski ciljevi i način implementacije reformi sustava socijalne zaštite. Kroz analizu proklamiranih ciljeva reforme socijalne zaštite te njihovu implementaciju od strane lokalnih institucija u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine analiziraju se stvarni učinci s aspekta ostvarenih ušteda i bolje ciljanosti socijalnih transfera. Rad ukazuje na nedosljednost politike kako međunarodnih institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini tako i vladinih aktera. Unatoč proklamiranim ciljevima reforme, sustav socijalne zaštite temeljen na statusnim pravima fiskalno je neodrživ te loše ciljan prema siromašnima, ali i dalje ostaje nepromijenjen.
Globalizacija kao proces povezivanja svijeta na gospodarskoj, političkoj, kulturalnoj i ekološkoj razini započeo je s idejom ostvarenja mira, sigurnosti i stabilnosti u svijetu te gospodarskog boljitka svih. Razvojem i jačanjem multinacionalnih kompanija osnovna ideja pokretanja procesa globalizacije je zamijenjena drugim najvažnijim ciljem, ostvarivanjem profita. Pod utjecajem globalnih procesa i integracija osnovane su brojne međunarodne i regionalne organizacije. Europska unija kao jedna od najznačajnijih regionalnih organizacija predstavlja ujedinjenje europskih zemalja na temeljima gospodarske suradnje. Njezina opstojnost, gospodarski razvoj i stabilnost ovisi o međusobnoj suradnji i međuovisnosti njezinih zemalja članica te suradnji njezinih institucija s ostalim regionalnim, međunarodnim i gospodarskim organizacijama. ; Globalization as a process of connecting the world on an economic, political, cultural and environmental level began with the idea of achieving peace, security and stability in the world and the economic well-being of all. With the development and strengthening of multinational companies, the basic idea of starting the process of globalization has been replaced by the second most important goal, making a profit. Under the influence of global processes and integration, numerous international and regional organizations have been established. The European Union, as one of the most important regional organizations, represents the unification of European countries on the basis of economic cooperation. Its survival, economic development and stability of interdependence on mutual cooperation and interdependence of its member states and cooperation of its institutions with other regional, international and economic organizations.
Globalizacija kao proces povezivanja svijeta na gospodarskoj, političkoj, kulturalnoj i ekološkoj razini započeo je s idejom ostvarenja mira, sigurnosti i stabilnosti u svijetu te gospodarskog boljitka svih. Razvojem i jačanjem multinacionalnih kompanija osnovna ideja pokretanja procesa globalizacije je zamijenjena drugim najvažnijim ciljem, ostvarivanjem profita. Pod utjecajem globalnih procesa i integracija osnovane su brojne međunarodne i regionalne organizacije. Europska unija kao jedna od najznačajnijih regionalnih organizacija predstavlja ujedinjenje europskih zemalja na temeljima gospodarske suradnje. Njezina opstojnost, gospodarski razvoj i stabilnost ovisi o međusobnoj suradnji i međuovisnosti njezinih zemalja članica te suradnji njezinih institucija s ostalim regionalnim, međunarodnim i gospodarskim organizacijama. ; Globalization as a process of connecting the world on an economic, political, cultural and environmental level began with the idea of achieving peace, security and stability in the world and the economic well-being of all. With the development and strengthening of multinational companies, the basic idea of starting the process of globalization has been replaced by the second most important goal, making a profit. Under the influence of global processes and integration, numerous international and regional organizations have been established. The European Union, as one of the most important regional organizations, represents the unification of European countries on the basis of economic cooperation. Its survival, economic development and stability of interdependence on mutual cooperation and interdependence of its member states and cooperation of its institutions with other regional, international and economic organizations.
Protokol kao disciplina predstavlja skup propisanih i unaprijed utvrđenih pravila lijepog ponašanja, komunikacije i međusobnog ophođenja prilikom političkih, gospodarskih i društvenih aktivnosti države i njezinih predstavnika te drugih pravnih subjekata poput međunarodnih organizacija. Prije svega protokol predstavlja smjernice civiliziranog ponašanja u međusobnom ophođenju i komunikaciji. Protokol i poštivanje protokolarnih pravila ima dugačku i tradicijski bogatu povijest, pravilima lijepog i uljudnog ponašanja pridodavala se posebna pažnja i pozornost još od vremena organiziranja bogatih ceremonijalnih prigoda na dvorovima velikih vladara i visokih državnika. Važnost poštivanja protokolarnih pravila proizlazi iz činjenice da se poštivanjem pravila ponašanja i postupanja unaprijed utvrđenih propisima kojima se definira protokol, prije svega iskazuju poštovanje i čast prema drugim državama i njihovim predstavnicima, te ostalim međunarodnim subjektima. Protokolarna procedura i njeno strogo poštivanje jedan su od bitnijih preduvjeta za provođenje uspješne državne diplomacije. Diplomacija je disciplina putem koje se promiču interesi i moć države, o uspješnosti i vještini diplomatskog znanja ovisi rješavanje bitnih vanjskopolitičkih i međunarodnih pitanja između država. Uspješnosti diplomacije u međunarodnom okruženju između ostalog pridonosi i dobro organiziran diplomatski protokol. Diplomacija i protokol moraju biti dobro iskoordinirani i povezani kako bi u očima susjednih zemalja, Europe i svijeta stvorili pozitivnu sliku Republike Hrvatske, te na što bolji način promovirali njezine vrijednosti i prednosti. Uspješna diplomacija najbolji je promotor svoje zemlje, najbolje gradi pozitivan imidž zemlje i na taj način stvara uspješan i prepoznatljiv brand Republike Hrvatske u međunarodnom okruženju. ; Protocol as a discipline is a set of prescribed and pre-established rules of good manners, communication and mutual dealings during political, economic and social activities of the state and its representatives, and other entities such as international organizations. First of all protocol presents guidelines of civilized behavior in dealing with mutual communication. Protocol and their compliance rules has a long and traditionally rich history, rules of the beautiful and civilized behavior was placed on special care and attention from the time of organizing the rich ceremonial occasions in the mansions of great rulers and senior statesmen. The importance of complying with the protocol stems from the fact that through abiding by the rules of conduct set by regulations that define protocol, first and foremost respect and honour are shown towards other states and their representatives, as well as other international entities. Protocol procedures and its strict respect are one of the most important preconditions for successful implementation of state diplomacy.Diplomacy is a discipline through which to promote the interests and power of the state, performance and diplomatic skills depends on solving the important foreign policy and international issues between the countries. The success of diplomacy in the international environment, among other things contributes to the well-organized diplomatic protocol. Diplomacy and protocol must be well coordinated and linked to in the eyes of neighboring countries, Europe and the world so we can create a positive image of the Croatia and what better way to promote its values and benefits. Successful diplomacy is the best promoter of our country, it best builds a positive image of the country and thereby creating a successful and recognizable brand in the Croatian international environment.
Cjelokupno predratno, ratno i poratno vrijeme obilovalo je mnoštvom rasprava, veoma različitih promišljanja i brojnih prijedloga različitih uređenja države Bosne i Hercegovine, i pronalaženjem onoga što bi osiguralo njezinu opstojnost, cjelovitost, samo-održivost i učinkovitu funkcionalnost te zadovoljstvo, jednakopravnost i miran suživot tri konstitutivna naroda, nacionalnih manjina i svih njezinih građana. Na tom pitanju sukobljavali su se različiti domaći i međunarodni interesi i ogledala pera mnogih uglednih stručnjaka iz zemlje i svijeta. Ipak, rješenje koje bi zadovoljilo sve, a osobito tri etno-nacionalne politike i politiku međunarodne zajednice, do danas nije pronađeno. Daytonsko rješenje i po njegovoj konstrukciji, a i dvadesetdvogodišnjoj primjeni, nije se pokazalo zadovoljavajućim i konačnim. Naprotiv, država opstaje kao polu-protektorat pod nadzorom i upravom međunarodne zajednice i njezina visokog predstavnika, ali se nalazi u krizi koja se od jednog do drugog događaja povremeno povećava ili smanjuje. I, permanentno traje. Očito je svima jasno da ovakav njezin ekscentričan i neučinkovit ustavno-pravni i administrativno-teritorijalni ustroj nikoga ne zadovoljava, niti jamči miran, siguran i izvjestan europski put. Preustroj države BiH zato je nasušna potreba i svojevrsna nužnost, jer ovako ustrojena i konfliktima bremenita država nije za Europu. Nakon višegodišnjih vlastitih znanstvenih proučavanja, javno testiranih u velikom broju referata na domaćim i međunarodnim skupovima, obznanjenim znanstvenim člancima u brojnim časopisima, objavljenih pet knjiga o Bosni i Hercegovini te drugih javnih istupa, autor je došao do vlastitoga uvjerenja da se do zajedničkoga rješenja može doći samo međusobnim otvorenim dijalogom, uz posredovanje i medijatorsku ulogu međunarodne zajednice i njezinih stručnjaka, te da bi najbolje rješenje za otvoreno "hrvatsko pitanje", ali ujedno najpovoljnije kompromisno rješenje za sve bilo - federativna država Bosna i Hercegovina s tri republike i tri razine lokalne samouprave. Alternativa je životarenje u postojećem, totalni protektorat, ili raspad države s obveznim i neizbježnim međusobno trajnim sukobljavanjem. Kao osoba koja je proživjela dva rata i kao znanstvenik s preko četrdeset godina iskustva, autor u radu ukazuje na ključne uzroke kriznoga stanja, moguće katastrofalne posljedice zadržavanja postojećeg, upitnost uspješnosti europskoga puta i sigurnost europske perspektive države, njezinih naroda i građana. ; The pre-war time in Bosnia and Herzegovina, just like the war and post-war time were abundant with debates, different views and numerous proposals for the state structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was supposed to secure the country's survival, integrity, self-sustainability and efficient functioning, as well as peaceful co-existence of the three constitutive nations, national minorities and all the citizens. Various local and international interests were conflicting in the debates. However, no matter how many prominent local and international experts gave their contribution, a win-win solution has not been found yet, the one which would be satisfying for everyone, especially for the three ethnical national policies and the policy of the international community. Today, after twenty-two years of applying the Dayton solution, it is obvious that it is not satisfactory and may not be considered final indeed. On the contrary, with this solution, the country has been functioning as a half-protectorate, under supervision and management of the international community and the High Representative, appointed by the international community, however in a permanent, deeper or somewhat less deep crisis, but always in crisis. Obviously, this eccentric and entirely inefficient constitutional-legal and administrative-territorial structure is not satisfying for anyone, neither it may lead the country onto a peaceful, safe and certain accession path to Europe. Therefore, reorganisation of the state is an absolute must and also a duty, because the country with such state structure and torn with conflicts is not suitable for Europe. After years of scientific researches, participation in numerous local and international scientific conferences, numerous published articles, five published books on Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author came to a conclusion that the best solution for all involved parties may be found only through an open dialogue, with support and mediation of the international community and its experts. The best solution for the open "Croat issue", but also the best compromise solution for everyone would be a federative state of Bosnia and Herzegovina with three republics and three levels of local self-government. The only two alternatives to this solution are either to merely vegetate in the current situation, resp. to keep the full protectorate or the dissolution of the state, which necessarily involves permanent conflicts. The author, who survived two wars and has more than forty years of experience in scientific work, points out to main causes of the actual crisis, potential disastrous consequences of keeping the status quo, disputability of the success of the accession path to Europe and security of the perspective of a European state and its nations and citizens.
Kaspijsko jezero najveća je vodom ispunjena depresija na svijetu. Prije raspada SSSR-a dijelile su ga samo dvije države, a nakon 1991. na njegovim obalama nalazi se pet država. Ovaj rad pokazuje da postoji uzročno-posljedični odnos između sukobljenih interesa država regije i svjetskih sila te regionalne nestabilnosti. Sukobljeni interesi prouzročili su nemogućnost postizanja dogovora o pravnom statusu jezera, doveli do militarizacije jezera te izazvali sukob oko iskorištavanja i transporta nafte i plina. Rješavanje dijela tih problema u najnovije vrijeme povećalo je stabilnost regije, ali je i izvedeno na takav način da je povećalo međunarodni utjecaj Rusije i spriječilo ulazak izvanjskih sila u regiju. ; Caspian Sea is the largest water filled depression in the world. Before the dissolution of the Soviet Union it was shared by only two countries, but, since 1991, it has been shared by five states. This essay shows that there is a causal relation between regional instability, and the conflicting interests of countries of the region and world powers. These conflicting interests have caused the inability to reach an agreement on the legal status of the body of water, led to its militarization; and caused the conflict over the exploitation and transportation of oil and gas. Solving part of these problems in recent times has increased the stability of the region, but was also carried out in such a way that it increased the international influence of Russia, and prevented the entry of external forces into the region.
Polazište ovog rada nedavni je prijepor suvremenih realista oko aktualne dvojbe je li vanjskopolitička doktrina američkog predsjednika Donalda Trumpa realistička. Autor ukazuje da je navedena polemika posljedicom zastarjelog, tautološkog, ali još uvijek i neprevladanog dualističkog diskursa u teorijama međunarodnih odnosa, koji dijeli teoriju i vanjskopolitičku praksu na dva dominantna pravca: realizam i liberalizam. Na temelju dosadašnje teorijske kritike novog realizma, ili neorealizma, članak potvrđuje da ovaj suvremeni realistički pravac epistemološki ne pripada tradiciji realizma na koju se poziva, nego se svojim predodžbama o moći, državi i međunarodnom sustavu utemeljuje u političkom idealizmu: pravcu mišljenja koji se redovno pripisuje liberalima I kojemu je tradicionalni, ili "klasični" realizam bitno suprotstavljen. Analizirajući glavne podudarnosti između pretpostavki neorealizma i načela Trumpove doktrine, ovaj rad navodi na zaključak da Trump nije realist nego protuliberalni idealist. Pojam "protuliberalni idealizam" prikladniji je za razmatranje aktualne američke vanjske politike u kontekstu njene hegemonijske pozicije u liberalnom međunarodnom poretku. ; The article's initial motive is the recent controversy among contemporary realists, who questioned the supposed realism of US president Donald Trump's foreign policy doctrine. The author argues that the polemic is a consequential outgrowth of outdated, tautological, and yet still actual binary discourse, that divides international theory and foreign policy practice on Realism and Liberalism. Referring to the established critique of Neorealism, the article argues that Neorealism does not in epistemic terms belong to the tradition of Realism, to which it is a self-proclaimed successor. On the contrary, with its notions of power, state and international system it is established in political idealism: the tradition of thought that is conventionally attributed to Liberalism, and to which "classical" Realism was fundamentally opposed. By analyzing evident congruence between principles of Neorealism and Trump's America First doctrine, the article concludes that Trump is not a realist, but illiberal idealist. His idealistic nationalist world-view, when translated into foreign policy objectives, is in stark contrast to the professed principles of Realism. Furthermore, the concept of illiberal idealism offers an analytical framework for further analysis of present US foreign policy in the context of its hegemonic position in the Liberal International Order.
The education system per se, despite its central position in the field of study proclaimed by the scholarly community of Comparative and International Education, has never taken a central stage/role in Comparative and International Education scholarly enquiry. Through the various stages of its history, Comparative and International Education research has either focused on the societal-contextual forces (geography, demography, social system, economy, political system, religio-philosophical viewpoints) shaping education or on the societal outcomes/effects of education, to such an extent that the education system has always remained the blind spot in the centre of the field. A model explaining the structure of the education system which shows the components of "the" education system and their interrelationships has resultantly not been developed. This article attempts to address this shortcoming by discussing and outlining the structure of the education system on the basis of recent epistemological developments. Four components of the education system, along with their elements, are identified: education system policy, organisation and administration, structure for teaching, and support services. ; Obrazovni sustav per se, usprkos svojoj središnjoj ulozi za koju se zauzimaju stručnjaci unutar Komparativne i međunarodne edukacije nikada nije bio u žarištu znanstvenih istraživanja u spomenutom području. Istraživanja unutar Komparativne i međunarodne edukacije do sada su, u različitim razdobljima svoje povijesti, bila usredotočena ili na društveno-kontekstne snage (geografiju, demografiju, društveni sustav, ekonomiju, politički sustav, religijsko-filozofski svjetonazor) koje oblikuju obrazovanje ili na ishode/učinke obrazovanja na društvo do te mjere da je obrazovni sustav uvijek ostajao nejasan u odnosu na glavni dio toga područja. Stoga još uvijek nije razvijen model koji bi objasnio strukturu obrazovnog sustava prikazujući komponente ,,obrazovnog sustava" i njihove međusobne odnose. U ovom se radu nastoji istaknuti taj nedostatak putem rasprave i prikaza strukture obrazovnog sustava na temelju novijih epistemoloških razvojnih ideja. Identificirane su četiri komponente obrazovnog sustava, kao i njihovi elementi, a to su: politika obrazovnog sustava, organizacija i administracija, struktura potrebna za nastavu i službe podrške.
Pandemija COVID-19 koja se krajem 2019. počela širiti iz Kine i ubrzo poprimila globalne razmjere još je uvijek u fazi ekspanzije, unatoč naporima država i međunarodne zajednice. Kroz svoje produženo trajanje, uz zdravstvene, ima i brojne socio-ekonomske, vanjskopolitičke i sigurnosne implikacije, slabi socijalnu koheziju i povjerenje u institucionalni sustav. S jedne strane, pandemija države suočava s potrebom provedbe izvanrednih mjera koje su donekle u otklonu od uobičajenih razina osobnih sloboda u demokratskim sustavima. Uz to, pandemiju prati aktivno diplomatsko, dezinformacijsko, ekonomsko, političko i sigurnosno djelovanje međunarodnih aktera. Te su aktivnosti nerijetko usmjerene na pokušaje geopolitičkih preslagivanja i redefiniranja moći i preoblikovanje globalnih odnosa, pri čemu se u pitanje dovodi i učinkovitost demokratskih sustava. Posebno mjesto pritom zauzimaju pokušaji iskorištavanja situacije obilježene nedovoljnim količinama cjepiva za zaštitu od COVID-a i distribucija cjepiva determinirana vanjskopolitičkim, ekonomskim i sigurnosnim interesima, koja se često naziva i diplomacija cjepivom (vaccinediplomacy). Rad polazi od hipoteze kako je stanje pandemije potaklo jačanje angažmana međunarodnih aktera s ciljem redefiniranja odnosa moći na globalnoj razini koje uz mjere odgovora na pandemiju i ograničavanje osobnih sloboda može imati negativne posljedice za demokratski razvoj. U radu će se stoga analizirati aktivnosti ključnih međunarodnih aktera EU-a, SAD-a, Kine i Rusije u uvjetima pandemije COVID-19 s obzirom na zahtjeve demokratskog razvoja. ; The COVID-19 pandemic, that began to spread from China in late 2019 and soon took on global proportions, despite the efforts of states and the international community, is still in an expansion phase. Through its extended duration, in addition to health implications, it has numerous socio-economic, foreign policy and security implications, it weakens social cohesion and confidence in the institutional system. On the one hand, pandemic faces countries with the need to implement extraordinary measures that are somewhat at odds with the usual levels of personal freedoms in democratic systems. In addition, the pandemic is accompanied by active diplomatic, disinformation, economic, political and security activities of international actors. These activities are often focused on attempts to rearrange, redefine and reshape global geopolitical power relations, while also questioning the effectiveness of democratic systems. Attempts to exploit a situation characterized by insufficient quantities of vaccines to protect against COVID and the distribution of vaccines determined by foreign policy, economic and security interests, are referred to as vaccine diplomacy. In line with the hypothesis that the pandemic has stimulated the involvement of international actors in order to redefine power relations at the global level, which with pandemic response measures and restrictions on personal freedoms may have negative consequences for democratic development, the paper analyzes the activities of key international actors EU, US, China and Russia in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic given the demands of democratic development.
