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Докторска дисертација «Русија на почетку XXI века – геополитичка анализа» је рад који се састоји из шест делова. У првом делу «Теоретско – методолошки увод» је постављена методолошко појмовна основа рада, извршен преглед досадашњих истраживања на ову тему и сабрани и анализирани потребни извори и литература. Други део «Физичко – географске одлике територије данашње Русије» се бави анализом и вредновањем рељефа и педолошког покривача, климе, хидрографског потенцијала, биљног и животињског света, те рудног и енергетског блага на подручју савремене Русије. Док су први и други део рада квантитативно невелики (слично петом и шестом делу), трећи и четврти део обухватају највећи део дисертације. Трећи део «Историјска анализа геополитичке позиције Русије» се бави територијалним развојем руске државе кроз историју, при чему су анализирани и остали геополитички значајни фактори генезе њеног историјског положаја. Посебно је посматран утицај који су на Русију кроз историју имали континенти на којима се распростире, а извршена је и анализа билатералних историјских односа са најзначајнијим суседима и светским силама, где су уочене и извесне геополитичке правилности (по историчару Броделу то би биле историјске појаве «средњег» и «дугог трајања»). Четврти део «Геополитичка позиција савремене Русије» анализира данашњу Русију са унутрашње и међународне позиције. У оквиру унутрашње позиције се анализира економија, демографија, социолошка структура, култура и унутрашњо – политичка позиција савремене руске државе. У односу на окружење се анализира укупна позиција Русије у свету и посебно у односу на суседе и поједине важне државе (са свим државама Европе и Азије и са најважнијим силама на другим континентима). Пети део «Перспективе Русије у следећим деценијама XXI века» садржи основне елементе предвиђања унутрашњег развоја земље, као и њену позицију у светским токовима. Шести део је прегледни «Закључак». ; Doktorska disertacija «Rusija na početku XXI veka – geopolitička analiza» je rad koji se sastoji iz šest delova. U prvom delu «Teoretsko – metodološki uvod» je postavljena metodološko pojmovna osnova rada, izvršen pregled dosadašnjih istraživanja na ovu temu i sabrani i analizirani potrebni izvori i literatura. Drugi deo «Fizičko – geografske odlike teritorije današnje Rusije» se bavi analizom i vrednovanjem reljefa i pedološkog pokrivača, klime, hidrografskog potencijala, biljnog i životinjskog sveta, te rudnog i energetskog blaga na području savremene Rusije. Dok su prvi i drugi deo rada kvantitativno neveliki (slično petom i šestom delu), treći i četvrti deo obuhvataju najveći deo disertacije. Treći deo «Istorijska analiza geopolitičke pozicije Rusije» se bavi teritorijalnim razvojem ruske države kroz istoriju, pri čemu su analizirani i ostali geopolitički značajni faktori geneze njenog istorijskog položaja. Posebno je posmatran uticaj koji su na Rusiju kroz istoriju imali kontinenti na kojima se rasprostire, a izvršena je i analiza bilateralnih istorijskih odnosa sa najznačajnijim susedima i svetskim silama, gde su uočene i izvesne geopolitičke pravilnosti (po istoričaru Brodelu to bi bile istorijske pojave «srednjeg» i «dugog trajanja»). Četvrti deo «Geopolitička pozicija savremene Rusije» analizira današnju Rusiju sa unutrašnje i međunarodne pozicije. U okviru unutrašnje pozicije se analizira ekonomija, demografija, sociološka struktura, kultura i unutrašnjo – politička pozicija savremene ruske države. U odnosu na okruženje se analizira ukupna pozicija Rusije u svetu i posebno u odnosu na susede i pojedine važne države (sa svim državama Evrope i Azije i sa najvažnijim silama na drugim kontinentima). Peti deo «Perspektive Rusije u sledećim decenijama XXI veka» sadrži osnovne elemente predviđanja unutrašnjeg razvoja zemlje, kao i njenu poziciju u svetskim tokovima. Šesti deo je pregledni «Zaključak». ; The doctor dissertation named "Russia in the beginning of the 21th century – geopolitical analyses" is the work which is consisting of the six parts. In the first part "Theoretical methodological introduction" is a setup of the methodologicaly conceptual basis of this work and noticed previous researches of this subject matter and summarized and analyzed the resources and literature. The second part of the work "Phiysical and geographical attributes of the nowdays Russian territory" engages in analyzing and valuing relief and soil cover, climate , hidrographycal potential, wildlife, mineral and energy resources of nowdays Russia. While the first and the second part of this work quantitative are a small (alike the fifth and the sixth parts of the work ) the third and the fourt parts borders is the largest part of dissertation . The third part of the work "An historical analyses geopolitical positions of Russia" engages in territorial development of the Russian Government trough its history whereat are analyzed another geopolitically important factors of genesis its historical position. Especially is observed influence to Russia by continents of its broadcasting and noticed some analyses of the bilateral historical attitudes to the most important neighbourhood and other major world powers , where is noticed some geopolitically regularities (accordin to a famous historian Brodel there are a historical apparations named a period of medium-sized duration and a period of long- sized duration) . The fourth part of the dissertation "Geopolitical position of modern Russia" analyzes nowdays Russia in domestic policy and international context .Within interior position is analysing economy, demography, social structures, culture, and domestic policy position of modern Russia. Concerning to surroundings is analysing position of Russia in wholle especially concerning to the neighbourhood and some important countries ( and all countries of Europe, Asia, and the most important powers of other continents). The fifth part "Perspective of Russia in the next decades of the 21 th century" conteins a basic elements of the anticipations of internal development and Russia's position in the world. The sixth part is a previewed "Epilogue".

The Paper observes the foundation and development of OSCE as the most important contemporary security organization from the perspective of historical and political dynamics and the interests of international subjects. Originally founded as Forum for the reduction of tensions between ideologically confronted East and West, OSCE (than: CSCE) has evolved into permanent security organization with diversified activities and jurisdictions. However, that evolution failed to be up to the new challenges, so the needs for further reforms of OSCE reemerged. Second part of the Paper follows the propositions of OSCE system reforms, made by its member states, by Panel (formed on Council of Ministers in Sofia, in December 2004) and by Russia that has even proposed 'Agreement of European security' as the basis for completely new remaking of European security out of the existing OSCE system. In the final part of the Paper, influences of contemporary political crises in OSCE member states on the possible reform of this security organization are being analyzed.

The aim of this paper is to establish and clarify the relationship between corruption level and development among European Union countries. Out of the estimated model in this paper one can conclude that the level of corruption can explain capital abundance differences among European Union countries. Also, explanatory power of corruption is higher in explaining economic development than in explaining capital abundance, meaning stronger relationship between corruption level and economic development than between corruption level and capital abundance. There is no doubt that reducing corruption would be beneficial for all countries. Since corruption is a wrongdoing, the rule of law enforcement is of utmost importance. However, root causes of corruption, namely the institutional and social environment: recruiting civil servants on a merit basis, salaries in public sector competitive to the ones in private sector, the role of international institutions in the fight against corruption, and some other corruption characteristics are very important to analyze in order to find effective ways to fight corruption. Further research should go into this direction.

In this paper, the author analyzes the key stages in the development of the Republic of Srpska, since its formation in 9 January 1992. In this context, it elaborates the process of genesis of the Republic of Srpska, its international verification by the Dayton Peace Agreement, post-conflict consolidation as a process of trial of the constitutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina that would redistribute responsibilities between the entity and state authorities. However, the paper points out that the Republic of Serbian unquestionable categories and that the current attempt by the U.S. and the EU for the amendment of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina did not imply denial of two-entity structure of the state. In the future, how would you rate the author will attempt leading actors in world politics to redesign the institutional framework at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as to strengthening its negotiating capacity to assume the obligations related to membership of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

Postsocijalističke privrede su početkom devedesetih godina dvadesetog veka započele tranziciju u kapitalistički sistem i intenzivnije uključivanje u procese globalizacije. Region Zapadnog Balkana je u tom periodu bio zahvaćen političkom i društvenom nestabilnošću koja se nepovoljno odrazila na ekonomske reforme i međunarodnu poziciju zemalja regiona. Glavni problem sa kojim su se zemlje regiona Zapadnog Balkana suočile bio je tehnološko zaostajanje i nedostatak domaće akumulacije. Preovladao je stav da će priliv stranih direktnih investicija pokrenuti ekonomski rast i tehnološku modernizaciju proizvodnje i omogućiti uspešno uključivanje u procese globalizacije. Kako bi se unapredila međunarodna konkurentnost zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, završetak tranzicionih reformi je označen kao prioritetan korak. Predmet istraživanja disertacije je teorijsko razmatranje i empirijsko utvrđivanje efekata tranzicije i globalizacije na konkurentnost zemalja Zapadnog Balkana tokom prve dve decenije XXI veka. U sprovedenom istraživanju, jedanaest privreda Centralne i Istočne Evrope je iskorišćeno kao osnov za poređenje i tumačenje rezultata za pet zemalja Zapadnog Balkana. Empirijski rezultati u disertaciji pokazuju statistički značajan pozitivan uticaj tranzicije i globalizacije na unapređenje konkurentnosti zemalja regiona Zapadnog Balkana. ; Post-socialist states began the transition process to a capitalism and more intensive integration in the processes of globalization in the early 1990s. During that period, the Western Balkans region was affected by political and social instability, which adversely reflected to economic reforms and the international position of the countries in the region. The main problem the countries of the Western Balkans region faced was technological stagnancy and a lack of domestic accumulation. The prevailing view is that foreign direct investment inflows will drive economic growth and technological modernization of production and enable successfully integration this group of countries in the processes of globalization. In order to improve the international competitiveness of the Western Balkan countries, the finishing of transition reforms has been identified as a priority step. The subject of the PhD thesis is theoretical consideration and empirical determination of the effects of transition and globalization on the competitiveness of the Western Balkan countries during the first two decades of the 21st century. In the research that carried out, eleven economies of Central and Eastern Europe were used as a base for comparing and interpreting the results of the Western Balkans countries. Empirical results obtained in the researching part of the doctoral dissertation show a statistically significant positive impact of transition and globalization on improving the competitiveness of the states of the Western Balkans region.

The value of a social order is worth as much as it is ruled by satisfaction, security and well-being among people. The purpose of civilized and democratic systems is to guarantee and ensure the rights and freedoms of man and citizen, primarily through organized institutions. In an organized state, each of the institutions has a clear specific function that is more or less aimed at making life easier for citizens. One of them, which will be the topic of this paper and which has recently been introduced into our legal system, is the Protector of Citizens or the Ombudsman. The idea for this institution was born in Sweden, and after a number of years, it spread around the world. The ombudsman is an independent state body that takes care of a person, his rights, and above all protects him from irresponsible and illegal behavior of administrative bodies. Its significance today is immeasurable for the individual and society, as well as for the state and its reputation on the international platform. In addition to protection, its function is also control, in terms of constitutionality and legality of acts and actions of administrative bodies.

Measuring the quality of political regimes is a field that occupies a traditional place in statistical studies that have the subject of studying the characteristics of the political system as an important segment of the explanation of the behavior of states in international relations. In a desire for a comprehensive and complete spatial and temporal interaction, researchers seek to classify data categories through an extremely complex set that represents the starting point for further research. The aim of this article is a comparative overview of the most used quantitative instruments of the level of the political regime. In addition, the author points to the advantages or limitations of certain databases. The subject of the comparative presentation are the following databases: Polity IV, Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy-LIED, Authoritarian Regime Dataset, Varieties of Democracy, and other data sets relevant to statistical testing. In addition, the author presents the problems that researchers in security studies meet in "measuring" the level of the political regime, that is, quantifying the relationship between democracy and autocracy. The method of descriptive statistics will be used in order to present the most important statistical cross-sections of the instruments used in modern research.

The process of globalization is a logical process of internationalization, caused by deregulation and liberalization, as well as the development of information and communication technologies. To perform an isolationist policy today is completely absurd. Therefore, the main goal of each national economy is to be engaged in international trade while retaining sovereignty and achieving sustainable development, and this is only possible if we realize that not all economic activities are qualitatively the same as the drivers of economic development, and that globalization and free trade can create an automatic economic harmony. Countries that specialize in the export of raw materials will sooner or later experience the opposite effect from economies of scale, namely declining yields. Sustainable development today is a kind of monopoly on the production of advanced goods and services, in which rich countries experience one explosion of productivity for another. In the first part of the paper, we analyze the effects that abstract theories of classical liberal economies have on the poor countries, as well as the neoliberal policies that the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization today apply to developing countries. In the second part of the paper, we analyze examples of countries whose economic prosperity is the result of a smart and pragmatic mix of market incentives and governance. In the third part of the paper we give recommendations for the new development and trade policy of Serbia. In the last part of the paper, we point to the importance of branding as a factor in the export competitiveness of the company. ; Proces globalizacije je logičan sled internacionalizacije, uzrokovane deregulacijom i liberalizacijom, kao i razvojem informacionih i komunikacionih tehnologija. Voditi izolacionističku politiku danas je potpuno besmisleno. Zato je osnovni cilј svake zemlјe – uklјučiti se u međunarodne trgovinske tokove i pri tome zadržati suverenitet i ostvariti održivi razvoj, a to je jedino moguće ako shvatimo da nisu sve privredne delatnosti kvalitativno iste kao nosioci privrednog razvoja i da globalizacija i slobodna trgovina mogu stvoriti automatsku ekonomsku harmoniju. Zemlјe koje se specijalizuju za izvoz sirovina doći će pre ili kasnije do suprotnog efekta od ekonomije obima, naime do opadajućih prinosa. Održivi razvoj danas predstavlјa neku vrstu monopola na proizvodnju naprednih dobara i usluga, u kome bogate države doživlјavaju jednu eksploziju produktivnosti za drugom. U prvom delu rada analiziramo efekte koje su apstraktne teorije klasične liberalne ekonomije imale na siromašne zemlјe, kao i neoliberalnu politiku koju danas Svetska banka, Međunarodni monetarni fond i Svetska trgovinska organizacija primenjuju u zemlјama u razvoju. U drugom delu rada analiziramo primere zemalјa čiji je ekonomski prosperitet rezultat pametne i pragmatične mešavine tržišnog podstreka i državnog upravlјanja. U trećem delu rada dajemo preporuke za novu razvojnu i trgovinsku politiku Srbije. U poslednjem delu rada ukazujemo na značaj brendiranja kao faktra u izvoznoj konkurentnosti preduzeća

The issue of territorial disputes is a problem of a large number of states. These problems exists in the EU and in countries candidate for accession to this organization. As to the former Yugoslav republics following the collapse of the common state, the problems are created in terms of determining the territory. The issue of borders after the dissolution of a federal state such as Yugoslavia, creating major problems that can be solved only by applying two basic principles - the principle of demarcation and the principle of self-determination of nation. In international law there is no general rule, according to which the retreating boundary between the states. The author deals with issues of particular territorial disputes in the EU and between the EU countries and countries of the Western Balkan. Practically, these disputes between EU countries have existed before, and have not been resolved to their joining the organization. Whether the EU can guarantee resolution of these disputes is one of the issues raised in the paper, given that many disputes are not settled in countries that are longer or shorter time-EU countries. The conclusion is that it can not, because there are no adequate tools for this so that all the leaves to the states in disputes.

In the essence, the problem of eco-economic (economic and environmental) development is reduced to the problem of choosing concrete protection mechanisms and measurement heights achieved economic, and environmental, social and institutional (sustainable) development. This opens up the question of measuring the economic problems, but also each other prosperity of society, because they set goals, benchmarks and parameters to be taken into account are different, depending on what needs to be done measuring the degree of development. This mechanism of measuring economic development, set 30-s of the 20 th century, more and more often is criticized modern economists such as Joseph Stiglitz, who report that in the modern global business development of the country should be measured by a broader set of indicators. For these reasons, the European Commission in cooperation with the European Parliament, the OECD, the Club of Rome and the World Wide Fund (WWF), in 2007. organized International Conference - Beyond GDP Conference. In this sense, in addition to GDP, significant measures have been introduced for economic development and other indicators of well-known as an Enlarged GDP. The aim of this paper is to present the fundamental differences between GDP and GDP Enlarged indicators in calculation methodology that takes into consideration and certain other elements apart from consumption, investment and export levels. .

The diplomacy of socialist Yugoslavia paid a lot of attention to the international reputation of the country in the sphere of culture, and thus literature. At the same time, Yugoslav writers in the Writer's Union of Yugoslavia, faithfully supported Yugoslav foreign policy, both individually and institutionally. The most impressive example of collaboration between literature and diplomacy was awarding Ivo Andrić a Nobel Prize. The Writers' Union of Yugoslavia nominated the writer in 1958, and Yugoslav diplomacy lobbied in favor of Andrić for several years. The efforts were successfully crowned in 1961. In socialist Yugoslavia, the existence of a special Macedonian nation and its culture and language was insisted on, so in that sense, the greatest challenge was denying the Macedonian identity that came from Bulgaria. The Yugoslav Writers' Union, consistently pursuing state policy, suspended official co-operation with the Bulgarian Writers' Union in the second half of the 1960s due to Bulgaria's refusal to recognize the Macedonian language. Yugoslav writers also adapted to the state policy of non-alignment. They did not reach the level of cooperation with those countries that existed in the field of politics, economics or science, but they maintained ties with writers from those parts of the world in various ways. Among other things, the twentieth anniversary of the Belgrade Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations in October 1981 was a meeting of writers of non-aligned countries in Belgrade.

The aim of the research was to determine the effects of globalization on the international business Serbia, as well as the contribution of FDI to the current socio-economic development of Serbia in the process of joining the European Union and anticipating numerous challenges. The entire research is based on the simultaneous use of different methods of qualitative and quantitative analysis, and synthesis and comparison. Analysis of the situation in the domestic economy, it was concluded that met only some of the prerequisites for a higher level of foreign direct investment because foreign direct investments in Serbia have not yielded the expected results. The results show that the process of priva-tization contributed to the revival of several forms of investment: domestic investors, foreign direct investment, loans and capital mar-kets. To unapredula and improve the investment climate, it is necessary to remove administrative barriers to foreign investment through amen-dments to existing legislation, the establishment and strengthening of relevant institutions, as well as the further development of infrastructu-re. With this in mind it is necessary to develop new comparative advan-tages in exports, based on technological modernization of the economy and improving the concept of education, management and organizatio-nal knowledge and experience. The results provide the identification of all the advantages and disadvantages inherent in the globalization of the economy and foreign direct investment.

The phenomena of secret diplomacy and spheres of influence are closely related. History of international relations testify that the most common areas of interest are established through secret diplomacy. Nothing in this sense isn't changed even in the modern world. When you establish a balance of power between the great powers, then you must agree about access on the division of influence spheres. These arrangements are kept at a diplomatic level with the absence of the public. This agreements are secretly signed and its waiting for decades and centuries, and with many of that public will never be aware of. Spheres of influence (zone of interest) are usually created by a secret agreement between two or more major powers through secret diplomacy, and always at the expense of third countries (nation). It can be said that the struggle for spheres of influence was basically the cause of many, including world wars and after World War II continued the USA and the SSSR. History of the Balkan region and relations among people who inhabit it, clearly shows that he was for centuries the scene of clashes geopolitical interests of global power centers. At the present moment Balkan geopolitical scene is area for dominance of the great powers. At some point it will become the space establishment of interested spheres. That will happen through secret diplomacy.

After getting rid of ISIL's military presence in Iraq, the problem of having a strategic vision in recruiting the PMF strengthened national security. In addition to the internal and external challenges that do not agree on a unified vision about these forces, which now has a law and regulation governing its work. In light of these changes, a vision is formed of the possibilities of employing these forces and making them an independent institution linked to the commander in chief of the Iraqi armed forces while preserving their national identity. The study was divided into two major parts. The first included the political and doctrinal dimensions of issuing the fatwa of jihad and the stage that witnessed the establishment of Hashed al-Shaabi. The second part included the strategic vision of employing Hashed al-Shaabi in a post- ISIL period. This part dealt with the obstacles to the strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi. Internal obstacles such as terrorism, political sectarianism and administrative corruption. The external obstacles dealt with the positions of some international and regional forces toward Hashed al-Shaabi and It's relationship with Iran. The last part discussed the possibilities of strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi in Iraq. The study relied on a number of references that dealt with the subject of Hashed al-Shaabi in several languages, such as books, analysis of research centers and academic articles for specialized researchers and media such as newspapers and television. In addition to the laws and decisions of the Iraqi government issued about Hashed al-Shaabi.

By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies. .