Suchergebnisse

Eritrea becoming independent, with the consent of Ethiopia, was considered a unique event on a continent that has experienced so many wars about the right to self-rule. However there are elements in Ethiopia's political mosaic that can never accept Eritrea independence. ... From the historical point of view there should be no doubt that the territory of today's Eritrea was a part of Ethiopians' kingdoms. However for more than 60 years since 1890 Eritrea was under the foreign rule. Eritrea was federated to Ethiopia in 1952, but when in 1962 the federation was dissolved and the province was annexed by Haile Selassie, guerrilla war broke out and continued also during the dictatorship of M. H. Mariam (1974-1991). ... He two countries are among the poorest in Africa, but both Ethiopia and Eritrea are reportedly engaged in buying as much arms as their poor economies can afford from countries such as Russian Federation, China, Bulgaria, and the Ukraine. ... Both countries have close military relationships with the United States and Israel who have a strategic interest in keeping them as stable allies close to the Arabian peninsula and bordering Sudan. ... The International community calls for an end to the border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The United Nations, the European Union, African leaders and U.S. government have aIl pleaded for restraint and immediate stop of military confrontation. ... In reality, neither side seems interested abandoning the military option for resolving the border issue. (SOI : MO: S. 46-48)

The article documents the process of the increase in the relevance of fundamental rights in the European Union and calls attention to the fact that it is gradually approaching an important point whose attainment would have a considerable impact on the nature of the EU. The text traces the development of the EU's powers and activities in setting the norms related to fundamental rights, and deciding about their application, control and enforcement. The states have been reluctant to permit the Union to intervene into their domestic human rights affairs which are not connected to the EU's competences. Nevertheless, its recent activities indicate that the EU is starting to get more say even in this cautiously guarded domain of domestic competence. Adapted from the source document.

कव्हर -- विषय-सूची -- संकेताक्षरों की सूची -- प्राक्कथन -- संपादक एवं योगदानकर्ताओंका परिचय -- भाग A अवधारणाएं -- 1 शीत युद्ध और इससे परे -- 2 राष्ट्र-राज्य प्रणाली: राष्ट्रीय शक्ति, सत्ता एवं सामूहिकसुरक्षा के बीच संतुलन -- 3 राष्ट्रीय ह ित की भूमि का -- 4 कूटनीति : प्रकृति , स्वरूप एवं प्रा संगिकता -- 5 उपनि वेशवाद एवं नव-उपनि वेशवाद:वि -उपनि वेशीकरण के प्रभाव -- 6 नि रस्त्रीकरण, शस्त्र नि यंत्रण तथा परमाणु प्रसार -- भाग B सिद्धांत -- 7 उदारवाद -- 8 यथार्थवाद -- 9 मार्क्सवाद -- 10 स्त्री-अधिकारवाद -- 11 अंतर्राष्ट्रीय संबंधों मेंउत्तर-आधुनि कतावाद और रचनावाद -- भाग C विचार-विषय -- 12 वैश्वीकरण: अर्थ एवं आयाम -- 13 संयुक्त राष्ट्र: परिवर्तनशील भूमि का -- 14 मानवाधिकार और अंतर्राष्ट्रीय राजनीति -- 15 आतंकवाद -- 16 विकास एवं सुरक्षा: बदलते प्रति मान -- 17 क्षेत्रवाद और वैश्विक राजनीति -- 18 यूरोप-कें द्रीयतावाद और IR सिद्धां त:दक्षिणी दुनि या के संदर्श -- भाग D भारत की वि देश नीति एवं द् विपक्षीय संबंध -- 19 भारत की वि देश नीति एवंद्विपक्षीय संबंधों के मूल निर्धा रक -- जाहिरात पान १ -- जाहिरात पान 2 -- जाहिरात पान 3 -- जाहिरात पान 4.

Critical security studies have become increasingly popular among Czech scholars, but most studies in this field are based on securitization theory and other discursive approaches to security analysis. This paper argues for broadening the scope of theoretical approaches to security studies and introduces International Political Sociology as a promising strand of research in this respect. International Political Sociology is based on the study of security as practice, and offers a more complex understanding of how security is constructed and performed. The article discusses the theoretical roots of this approach, reviews the main strands of contemporary International Political Sociology research, and introduces its analytical tools. Finally, the paper critically reflects on the theoretical, methodological and empirical aspects of International Political Sociology and outlines possible avenues for this research in the Central European context. Adapted from the source document.