Suchergebnisse

The debate between realists and liberals in the field of International Relations concerning the causes and effects of economic interdependence among states has led to a remarkable branch of empirical literature, but hardly any research has studied such dynamics in the period following the Cold War, which is so often defined "the age of globalization". This article is based on a quantitative analysis of the influence of international politics on commercial flows in the post-bipolar period and it performs such analysis on two datasets: the first one including all countries of the system for which data are available and the second one focused on the countries that previous similar studies have identified as great powers. The results show that the contemporary international system is marked by a high degree of complexity and by the simultaneous action of different and even contrasting logics. Liberal variables such as democracy and economic international institutions exert a remarkable effect on international trade, especially at the global level, but international security and even power politics issues are still relevant, particularly for the great powers in their reciprocal relationships. Adapted from the source document.

Du point de vue militaire la question cambodgienne se presente comme une crise regionale ayant pour sujet l'expansionnisme du Vietnam, la lutte des forces de resistance cambodgienne et la dichotomie Cambodge reel (regime de Heng Samrin) - Cambodge du Gouvernement de coalition tripartite. Au plan politique, la question cambodgienne prend les dimensions d'une crise globale, car elle touche aux relations entre URSS, Chine et Etats-Unis: a present, Moscou et Pekin cherchent a poursuivre une politique de rapprochement, tandis que Washington, tout en soutenant la position de l'ASEAN, hesite a prendre un engagement precis. (Internat. Political Science Assoc.)

Auswirkungen des anhaltenden Afghanistan-Konflikts auf die Nachbarländer: verstärkte Polarisierung in Länder, die eine Ausbreitung des sowjetischen Machtbereichs verurteilen (Pakistan, China) und solche, die sich auf die Seite der Sowjetunion stellen (Iran, Indien)

Discusses European reaction & unified action to the tragic events of 11 Sept. One consequence of the events important for the future of Europe is the progressive transformation of transatlantic relations & the subsequent reconfiguration of NATO activities. Although US President George W. Bush seized the occasion to further affirm US control in the post-Cold War era, the European powers -- with the exception of GB -- have failed to agree on a specific course of action in addressing terrorism. Aside from committing to an international peacekeeping force, NATO & the UN have remained detached from the US reaction. Because of its relative inaction, Europe has undoubtedly compromised its authority & international prestige. A call is made for alternative solutions to the Treaty of Maastricht & its provisions for reinforced collaboration in defense issues. J. Sadler

After a brief account of the origin of the Kosovo crisis & of the attempts made by the international community to bring it to a solution, in the present work, the Author starts analyzing the stands taken by States in relation to the declaration of independence issued on the 17 February 2008 by the Assembly of Kosovo. By weighing the validity of the arguments advanced in favour or against the independence of Kosovo, the Author first highlights the violation of the terms of the UN Security Council resolution 1244/99 by the unilateral declaration of independence & the contradictions & omissions inherent in the claim of uniqueness about Kosovo advanced by most of the States which have decided to recognize the new entity. The Author then claims that the independence of Kosovo cannot be characterized neither as an exercise of a (dubious) right to a remedial secession nor as a fait accompli. He therefore concludes that Kosovo does not qualify yet as a subject of international law, that the acts of recognition of the new entity adopted by several States are premature and, as such, illegitimate & that, notwithstanding it is resolutely denied in any official statement, the conduct of abovementioned States seems to be permeated by the philosophy of the remedial secession. Adapted from the source document.

After the beginning of the experience of the center-left government in the early sixties, Italy proposes an independent and original foreign policy, consistent with its position in the Mediterranean, across the border between East and West. The preferred partner within the Warsaw Pact is Romania, considered the vanguard of a political process of internal liberalization and of political emancipation of Eastern Europe from Soviet-communism. So far, the limited historiography on the Italo-Romanian relationships has taken into account almost exclusively the economic and trade agreements. This paper, on the basis of largely unpublished documentation at the Senato della Repubblica and at the Central State's Archive in Italy, analyzes instead the main international issues of the meetings between Bucharest and Rome, namely the Détente, the Sino-Soviet conflict, the peace building in the South-East Asia, the Middle-East, the CSCE. The unpublished diary of statesman Amintore Fanfani, Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1965 to 1968, reveals how the Italian ruling class has a substantial confidence in Ion Gheorghe Maurer and Corneliu Mănescu and high expectations around an alleged non-alignment of Romania. On the other hand, the correspondence from the Italian Embassy in Bucharest for Aldo Moro (Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1969 to 1972 and from 1973 to 1974), describes the violent and authoritarian temper of the regime established by Ceauşescu in his country. In any case the Italian strategy seems then to reappraise the special partnership with Romania, in favor of a multilateral approach to the problem of Détente within the continental conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.

During the 20th century intervention with respect to economic & productive activity became a normal practice for nearly all states. While, in the nineteenth century, laissez-faire liberalism generally prevailed, & the defence of private property was considered the fundamental role of the state, the twentieth century saw the affirmation in some countries of Marxist-Leninist theories, which assigned the state property rights in the means of production, the arrival on the world scene of the new Keynesian approach, which assigned the state the role of promoting & stabilizing economic & social development, &, lastly, the great world revolution consisting in colonial emancipation, which, though a political phenomenon, constituted an implicit move towards economic independence. All of these factors brought about an upheaval in the situation that had been consolidated since the second half of the 19th century -- a century that saw the consolidation of a hegemony of the most developed countries which exercised control over the natural resources of less developed countries, above all of the colonies conquered by European states in the period of imperialist expansion. The problem of nationalizations, or international expropriations, arose out of the conflict that developed between countries exporting capital, which tended to protect the property of their citizens abroad, & countries importing capital, which decided without warning to take over full responsibility for their own economic resources. It is crucial to note, in this connection, the presence, on the one hand of states with a long liberal tradition, which have often suffered losses in terms of the property of their own citizens &, on the other hand, of international actors exhibiting a socialist state structure or of recent liberal tradition, which claim sovereignty over their own resources. For this reason, international nationalizations need to be re-examined in the light of the ideological, political & economic structure of the single states. They concern, in other words, national sovereignty, general political economy choices, the position held within the international community & relations with various other international state-actors, aiming, in the last analysis, to take account of the role adopted, since the 1960s, by the main international organization, the United Nations. Adapted from the source document.

Armin von Bogdandy, Petros C. Mavroidis, & Yves Meny produced a Liber amicorum in honor of Claus-Dieter Ehlermann, one of the best known experts on the European Constitutional Treaty & European integration. The volume, European Integration and International Coordination (2002), contains valuable contributions by several famous authors & professionals. The answers to some pressing questions constitute the core of the publication: Has information technology removed the territorial connotation of the law? How can the law adapt to the new global village? Is it possible to have a world juridical system without the existence of a world government? The authors seek for answers in the classic concepts of international law. M. Williamson

La stabilite du Costa Rica democratique se maintient. Les forces internationales dont il faut evaluer les interets respectifs par rapport a un renforcement de la democratie en Amerique Centrale et a des solutions negociees sont les Etats-Unis, l'URSS, Cuba, le groupe de Contadora, l'eglise catholique et l'Internationale Socialiste