Suchergebnisse

Introduction. Military conflicts cause a lot of destructive influences not only on the political situation in the country but of course on its the financial system. That's why in this article, the main emphasis of the research was done on risk-ratio analysis of the Ukraine and Israel economies since the role of military budget expenditures in the whole financial system is growing. Military finance is one of the biggest components of the financial system of Ukraine. So, according to the nowadays situation and military conflict in Ukraine appears the necessity of searching for new ways to increase this kind of expenditures efficiently. Aim and tasks. The problem of the research was to measure risks of the economies according to the GDP trends and to find the place of the military expenditures in all government expenditures. Results. In the research results, it should be mentioned that the most difficult approach for comparing is the international currency, which is weighed against the depreciation of cash flows in time. However, the research used the current exchange rate for convenience. But, this does not have a significant effect on the interpretation of the results of the research, presented in the form of a CAPM analysis of the economies of countries and their defense expenditures. After all, trends are generally observed over a period of time that has been analyzed. The general state of financial systems in the regions was analyzed as the value of volatility, aggregate risks and the overall growth of the economy. The US GDP, as for an example of the largest economy in the world, served as a comparative basis. It correlates and affects all other financial markets. The obtained results made it possible to draw conclusions about the attractiveness of the state for potential investors, despite armed conflicts with neighbors in the territory and areas of influence on the regions under control. In this paper, a standard statistical analysis package was used using an example of linear regression with one variable. The power of the influence of military expenditures was measured by the ratio of variables and their correlations. The obtained results were characterized by a high level of interconnection power and reliability of the hypotheses obtained. This gives an opportunity to describe the role of military conflicts and support the Armed Forces for the state economy. Conclusions. The result of the presented research of the role of support and financing of the Armed Forces as one of the key elements of the stability of the Ukrainian economy and ensuring its sustainable growth is the sustaining of the military expenditures for Ukraine. The presented conclusion was approved on the Israel example and calculations. This approach and methodology is universal and can be used for other researches. ; Вступ. Збройні конфлікти викликають багато руйнівних впливів не тільки на політичну ситуацію в країні, але й на її фінансову систему. Тому в цій статті основна увага приділена дослідженню аналізу співвідношення ризиків економіки України та Ізраїлю, оскільки роль видатків військового бюджету для всій фінансовій системі зростає. Військові фінанси є однією з найбільших складових фінансової системи України. Отже, відповідно до нинішньої ситуації та військового конфлікту в Україні виникає необхідність у пошуках нових шляхів для ефективного збільшення цих видів витрат. Мета і завдання. Мета дослідження полягала в тому, щоб оцінити та виміряти ризики економік відповідно до тенденцій ВВП і знайти місце військових витрат у всіх державних витратах. Результати. У результатах дослідження потрібно зауважити, що найскладнішим підходом для порівняння є міжнародна валюта, зважена на знецінення грошових потоків у часі. Однак у дослідженнях використано поточний обмінний курс валюти для зручності. Проте це не має значного впливу на інтерпретацію результатів дослідження, представлених у вигляді CAPM аналізу економік країн та їх видатків на оборону. Адже в цілому прослідковуються тренди за проміжок часу, що був проаналізований. Загальний стан фінансових систем у регіонах був проаналізований, як значення волатильності, сукупних ризиків та росту економіки в цілому. Порівняльним базисом слугувало ВВП США, як найбільша економіка у світі. Вона корелює та впливає на всі інші фінансові ринки. Отримані результати дали змогу зробити висновки про привабливість держави для потенційних інвесторів, незважаючи на збройні конфлікти з сусідами за території та сфери впливу в межах підконтрольних регіонів. У роботі використовувався стандартний пакет статистичного аналізу на прикладі лінійної регресії з однією змінною. Потужність впливу військових витрат вимірювалася співвідношенням змінних та їх кореляціями. Отримані результати характеризувалися високим рівнем сили взаємозв'язків та надійності отриманих гіпотез. Це дає можливість описати роль військових конфліктів та підтримки Збройних Сил для економіки держави.

Introduction. The article deals with problems and consequences of the Ukrainian economy deindustrialization under the neoliberal paradigm dominance in government's economic policy. The problems of deindustrialization in transition economies during the period of postindustrial transformation in developed countries and the neoliberal economic thought dominance has so far been overlooked. The subject-matter of the study is structural shifts caused by deindustrialization and diversification of the economy. The methodological principles of research involve joint application of a set of well-known common scientific methods as well as special research methods in economics, such as retrospective analysis method to investigate the origin of modern neoliberal economic doctrines. Aim and tasks. The purpose of the article is to distinguish the fundamental differences in structural changes in the economy of Ukraine and developed countries and to identify key areas for restructuring the domestic economy on the basis of modernization and reindustrialization policy. Results. The fundamental differences between dramatic reduction of the industrial sector share in the Ukrainian economy and economy diversification with a relative decrease in the share of industry that occurs in mature economic systems under transition to the postindustrial stage of development are revealed. It's proved that formal signs of a transition to a postindustrial society may reflect diametrically opposed trends of economic development. A critical analysis of the theoretical postulates of economic thought that underlies leading international organizations' cooperation with individual countries is conducted. It's argued that neoliberal economic paradigm relies on abstract, sterile, and unfeasible hypotheses based on ideology, not the experience of successful structural transformations. Key areas of Ukraine's economic policy transformation include a set of tools of budget, infrastructure, tax, customs and foreign trade policies to ensure structural changes in output and export. It's argued that such measures, as introducing a local component criterion in public procurements, free connection of industrial objects to engineering networks, tax incentives for industrial park residents, barriers to raw materials exports, revision of Ukraine's obligations under WTO, launching of an export-credit agency, deploying a network of official trade missions in key partner countries, etc., will trigger reindustrialization of Ukrainian economy. Conclusions. Implementation of a full-fledged industrial policy in developing countries is hampered by the rule of neo-liberal economic ideology, which denies the possibility of effective state governance of structural changes in the national economy. The article puts forward a critical view on the mainstream economic ideology and discusses its destructive impact on the Ukrainian economy that is worth to be introduced in masters' graduation programs in economics. Implementation of author's recommendations on reforming governmental economic and industrial policy is a basis for launching reindustrialization processes in the Ukrainian economy. ; Вступ. У статті розглядаються проблеми та наслідки деіндустріалізації української економіки за домінування неоліберальної парадигми в економічній політиці уряду. Проблемам деіндустріалізації в країнах з перехідною економікою в період постіндустріальної трансформації в розвинених країнах і домінування неоліберальної економічної думки досі залишається приділено недостатню увагу. Предметом дослідження є структурні зрушення, спричинені деіндустріалізацією та диверсифікацією економіки. Методологія дослідження побудована на застосуванні комплексу загальнонаукових методів, а також спеціальних методів наукового пізнання, зокрема методу ретроспективного аналізу для дослідження походження сучасних неоліберальних економічних вчень. Мета і завдання. Метою статті є виявлення принципових відмінностей у структурних змінах в економіці України і розвинених країн та визначення ключових напрямів реструктуризації вітчизняної економіки на основі політики модернізації та реіндустріалізації. Результати. Виявлено принципові відмінності між різким скороченням частки промислового сектора в економіці України та диверсифікацією економіки з відносним зменшенням частки промисловості, що відбувається в зрілих економічних системах при переході до постіндустріальної стадії розвитку. Доведено, що формальні ознаки переходу до постіндустріального суспільства можуть відображати діаметрально протилежні тенденції економічного розвитку. Проведено критичний аналіз теоретичних постулатів економічної думки, які лежать в основі співпраці міжнародних організацій з окремими країнами. Стверджується, що неоліберальна економічна парадигма спирається на абстрактні, стерильні та нездійсненні гіпотези, засновані на ідеології, а не на досвіді успішних структурних перетворень. Визначено основні напрями трансформації економічної політики України з метою забезпечення якісної зміни структури національної економіки. Ці напрямки включають набір інструментів бюджетної, інфраструктурної, податкової, митної та зовнішньоекономічної політики для забезпечення структурних змін у виробництві та експорті. Висновки. Реалізація повноцінної промислової політики в країнах, що розвиваються ускладнюється пануванням неоліберальної економічної ідеології, що заперечує можливість ефективного державного управління структурними змінами в національній економіці. У статті висвітлюється критичний погляд на домінуючу економічну ідеологію та обговорюється її руйнівний вплив на українську економіку, дослідження чого варто ввести в магістерські програми з економіки. Впровадження авторських рекомендацій щодо реформування державної економічної та промислової політики слугуватиме базисом для початку реіндустріалізації в українській економіці.

This weeks guest is Lee Jones, a Reader in International Politics at Queen Mary, University of London, and one of the people behind the blog, The Full Brexit. I've known Lee for a number of years, and I find him to be a thoughtful and provocative commentator on a range of issues. He was one of the early voices, for example, to challenge the mainstream liberal analysis of the 2016 US election, and the idea that blame for the election of Donald Trump should be lain at the feet of white working class voters and other so-called "deplorables."

Yet, I have found it harder to agree with Lee when it comes to the topic of Brexit. Drawing on the scholarship of Peter Mair, among others, Lee and his fellow bloggers at The Full Brexit have been developing a serious critique of the EU. At the core of their argument is a claim that the EU is a fundamentally anti-democratic project. One that was designed, from the outset, to disempower voters, by transferring jurisdiction over decisions to do with the economy from member states, to an anonymous technocratic body, called the European Commission — a body which, mind you, has only one directive, and that is to advance the European neoliberal project.

Now, to be clear, I pretty much agree with all of this critique. My problem, however, is that I find myself deeply confused about what the left ought to be doing about it and, thusly, what to do about Brexit. On the one hand, I am very sympathetic to the likes of Grace Blakeley, who has an excellent piece on Novara right now, arguing:
At its heart, the problem the EU presents to the left is not enough democracy and too many veto players. Even if the left managed the heroic task of taking control of the European Parliament, the Commission and the Council both have a veto, and both continue to be strongly influenced by both the national interests of the most powerful states and special interest groups. The combination of these factors would prevent any attempt at socialist transformation within the EU.
Equally, however, I do find it helpful to try to step back and listen to people like Yanis Varoukfakis, who argued in a recent appearance on The Dig podcast that we simply may not have a choice but to take our battle to the EU itself. This is the so-called remain and rebel strategy. Now, sure, as folks at Novara Media will be quick to argue, there is no European Demos — and in the absence of an authentic European polity, its hard to imagine how the EU could ever be reformed. But as Varoufakis points out on The Dig, the existence of a demos may be beside the point. If the European Union falls apart, its not like the alternative will be a return to nation states. It will likely be something much, much worse.

So, obviously, two very well-reasoned left positions, with diametrically-opposed strategies. This is the first in a series of episodes we'll be doing on Brexit, and the European Union more broadly. And this one, I think, couldn't be coming at a more relevant time. Lee and I recorded this interview on December 3, at the start of one of the most tumultuous weeks in British parliamentary history. One week earlier, the European Council had agreed to the terms of Prime Minister Theresa May's draft withdrawal agreement, a large technical document which sets the schedule and terms of Britain's departure from the EU, beginning in March 2019. But, as I post this episode, it is anyone's guess what it going to happen next. This coming Tuesday, December 12, the draft is set to go before the British parliament, where it is expected to fail. After that, a confidence vote could be called for, but as James Butler of Novara Media has been arguing, that's no easy proposition, either.

And there are a number of reasons why, especially from a Left perspective, we might want it to fail; principally, its commitment to a (potentially permanent!) version of the so-called backstop, which would put serious constraints on state aid,

Abstract

Objective: The World Commission on the Environment and Development defines as sustainable development that which can satisfy "the needs of the present without compromising the possibility of future generations to satisfy their own". The attention to the issues of the environment, of the circular economy, of the ageing of the population is becoming a way to attract the curiosity and then the interest of the consumers with more and more awareness. Socially responsible finance is no longer a niche issue, so investing an ethical model must become a standard for both international and territorial realities.

Methodology: The "myth" of low yields would seem debunked, because the companies that introduce Social, Environmental and Governance criteria have an excellent reputation and do not aim to opportunistic gains in the short, but sustainable results in the long run. An undeniable advantage for all the stakeholders and for the planet itself needs to be added; human resources valorization, equal opportunities, efficient exploitation of natural resources and reduction of pollution produced are just some of the positive results deriving from this new business philosophy. For this reason a new obligation on the commitment of the companies regarding the environment is needed, while for all the corporate summits bonuses and compensations must be rethought according to the objectives of environmental and social sustainability. In the past such commitments were considered by large companies as a further cost, and nowadays they are increasingly becoming an opportunity that even the small economic realities on a territorial level cannot afford to lose. Starting a dialogue, not only with the traditional stakeholders (such as customers and suppliers) direct users of the product value, but especially with the territory given the social impacts deriving from the economic activity on people is necessary. In this respect, it would be particularly fruitful, from the point of view of innovation and growth, to create relations with the institution traditionally identified as the depositary of research itself, that is the University.

Findings: ESG (Environmental, Social and Governance) is an acronym that indicates the commitment of companies to the environment, sociability and respect for diversity. These criteria are destined to become, in the near future, one of the most important factors of business success, of investments discrimination, of orientation for big funds policies and of reputation for entrepreneurs and managers. Environmental and Social criteria relate to the real consumption of limited natural resources by an economic activity, and to what it then returns in terms of goods and services to the reference communities. The term Governance means the way in which an enterprise is managed, the relationships that are set up with the employees and the methods of remuneration for the top management. Thus, the ESG index is potentially able to reveal whether an economic activity is sustainable in the medium or long term beyond the financial variables. But how is possible to transpose these values on a territory level?

Value Added: We have to look to those who are responsible for the innovation and development of that local reality. Unfortunately, the panorama of business, university and public collaboration is still jagged for a deep lack of relations between these different actors. At the same time, technological evolution imposes increasingly tighter rhythms to innovation, forcing companies to find out the R&D function by drawing on university research or acquiring from innovative start-ups. These new companies, often born as university spin-offs, however, encounter many difficulties of development related to the scarcity of capital and therefore to the impossibility of embedding the value created within a patent. It is therefore appropriate that the two main operators of this market, universities and companies, find a way to communicate and collaborate on a common project, creating value and bringing welfare not only to their respective realities, but also to the whole community of the territory interested in the sign of ESG ethic.

Recommendations: For this reason it is important to take part in the projects in ethical ESG companies that, relating to the university and the territory, can guide innovation towards a horizon of welfare distributable among all stakeholders. A meeting point between all interests in the game could be a shared Hub where, through a contract, the modalities of collaboration will be established and the common objectives pursued; in this way the university will have the funds for the research, the enterprise – a targeted innovation for its purposes and the territory for new employment possibilities for the workers of the sector.

Purpose
Frequent food safety incidents caused widespread consumer concerns. Even though food safety is one of the weakest links in the fresh food supply chain and influences consumer food choice in ways different from the quality dimension, this factor is hardly proposed as one of the key traditional supplier selection criteria (e.g. quality, delivery, and price) in the literature. The purpose of this paper is to develop a business process decision model to assess the non-compensating food safety sub-criteria in order to disqualify fresh food suppliers that cannot reach the minimum threshold for low probable food safety failure. The preferred fresh food suppliers can minimize the risk of food safety failure and the associated huge food safety failure costs spanning from private consumer anguish to social distress that cause unbearable costs of sales loss and damage to brand image in business.


Design/methodology/approach
This study proposes a novel approach that combines several well-established multi-criteria decision making (MCDM) techniques, including fuzzy AHP (FAHP), TOPSIS, and ELECTRE, and innovatively apply to analyze supplier performance and prioritize potential fresh food suppliers. This hybrid business process model can enforce compliance to all the five non-compensatory sub-criteria of food safety. Since ELECTRE is a non-compensatory MCDM method, it is therefore particularly applicable for disqualifying high risk fresh food suppliers from further full scale supplier performance evaluation by FAHP and TOPSIS. This hybrid business process decision model is able to capitalize on the strengths of these MCDM methods and offset their deficiencies.


Findings
This study uses data of an international supermarket chain to validate feasibility of the proposed model. Results indicate that this model is able to assess the non-compensating food safety sub-criteria via the ELECTRE method in order to disqualify fresh food suppliers that cannot reach the minimum threshold for low probable food safety failure. Only the preferred suppliers with the required food safety capability can proceed to the second stage of the supplier selection process. Assessment via the TOPSIS method reveals the ranking order of those top performing suppliers according to their relative scores along all the supplier selection criteria. The TOPSIS ranking results with the selection of the suppliers C, E, A, and F are robust and consistent across all the different scenarios.


Practical implications
Application to the fresh food industry is possible with the aid of the MCDM methods. The contribution to the body of knowledge in this teaching and research field demonstrates the importance of first identifying the order qualifier for disqualifying those suppliers that do not satisfy the food safety requirements via the ELECTRE method. The proposed assessment procedure complies with the regulatory policy on food safety, and would influence public policy in applying the best practice of food safety regulation. Without first qualifying the potential suppliers on the basis of food safety, wrong decision can be made to select those high food risk suppliers that have relatively higher overall scores in other supplier selection criteria. Using the assessment results has positive economic and commercial impact on the purchasing managers to formulate appropriate purchasing and supplier development strategy to enhance supplier's food safety performance, whilst maximizing the overall supplier portfolio performance. The improved supplier's food safety performance will certainly benefit the society's quality of life as well.


Originality/value
Based on the analytical MCDM methods of FAHP, TOPSIS, and ELECTRE, purchasing managers can operationalize the Hill's framework of order qualifier and winner that has primarily been used in the literature and manufacturing industry. This study represents the first move to innovatively apply the FAHP, TOPSIS, and ELECTRE methods to operationalize the Hill's framework of order qualifier and winner that has primarily been used in the literature and manufacturing industry. Application to the fresh food industry to validate the feasibility of the proposed model has been conceived and implemented in this study. Analysis of the data inputs of a supermarket chain via the three MCDM methods generate the results that fulfill the purpose of achieving the research objective of identifying and managing the supplier base that can deliver the best supplier performance, conditional on first passing the fresh food safety test.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) has been central to the dialogue engaged in a statutory framework addressing the creation of a balance between AI and human rights by governments across the globe. In 1997, Gary Kasparov, chess Grand Master and world champion, was beaten by Deep Blue, a black rectangular computer developed by IBM Inc. A new era has begun in front of the whole world when a machine defeated one of the brightest and most intelligent people on the planet, in one of the most intellectually challenging games ever created by men. After discussing a plethora of pros and cons of AI regarding human rights, the creation and increasing usage of AI has gained momentum for a necessary regulation of the AI industry. A wider coverage and substantial equity through providing legal recourse to different types of violations of human rights in the service and labor industry has proved to be the need of the hour. AI usage has its proponents and opponents; however, some forms of AI are both important and desirable for a technologically modern human evolution. Nonetheless, the disturbing question that arises today is whether, when transferring the experience of the past to the future, mass unemployment, mass poverty, and social distortions are still a possible scenario for the new world, a world where robots, intelligent systems, and algorithms play an increasingly central role. This paper engages in a critical analysis of the effects of AI on human rights through the lenses of economic structures, working relationships, job profiles, and well-established working time and remuneration models, which will undergo major changes due to increased AI usage. By demystifying recent precedents in the international arena, the paper seeks to throw light on the fundamental impact of new technical developments on the global labor market in the next few years, not just on industrial jobs, but on the core of human tasks in the service sector that are considered "untouchable." Consequently, looking at the two sides of the coin, it concisely discusses the polarity of the absence of any statutory recognition of AI and its impact. ; La Inteligencia Artificial (IA) ha sido central en el diálogo sobre un marco legal que aborde la creación de un equilibrio entre la IA y los derechos humanos por parte de los gobiernos del mundo. En 1997, Gary Kasparov, Gran Maestro y campeón mundial de ajedrez, fue derrotado por Deep Blue, una computadora rectangular negra desarrollada por IBM Inc. Una nueva era ha comenzado ante los ojos del mundo cuando una máquina derrotó a una de las personas más brillantes e inteligentes del planeta en uno de los juegos más intelectualmente desafiantes, jamás creados por el hombre. Después de una amplia discusión de los pros y contras de la inteligencia artificial con respecto a los derechos humanos, la creación y uso cada vez mayor de la AI ha generado momentum para la necesaria regulación de la industria de la inteligencia artificial. Una cobertura más amplia y una equidad sustancial mediante la provisión de recursos legales contra diferentes tipos de violaciones de derechos humanos en el sector servicios y la industria laboral han demostrado ser una necesidad importante. El uso de la IA tiene sus proponentes y oponentes; sin embargo, algunas formas de IA son importantes y deseables para una evolución humana tecnológicamente moderna. No obstante, la inquietante pregunta que surge hoy es si, al transferir la experiencia del pasado al futuro, el desempleo masivo, la pobreza masiva y las distorsiones sociales seguirán siendo un posible escenario para el nuevo mundo, un mundo donde los robots, los sistemas inteligentes y los algoritmos desempeñarán un papel cada vez más central. Este artículo aborda un análisis crítico de los efectos de la IA sobre los derechos humanos, examinando estructuras económicas, relaciones y perfiles de trabajo y modelos ya establecidos de horarios de trabajo y remuneración, que sufrirán cambios importantes debido al mayor uso de la IA. Al desmitificar precedentes recientes en el ámbito internacional, los autores intentan arrojar luz sobre el impacto fundamental de los nuevos desarrollos técnicos sobre el mercado laboral global en los próximos años, no solo en trabajos industriales, sino en tareas humanas en el sector servicios que son consideradas "intocables". Por lo tanto, considerando las dos caras de la moneda, el artículo discute de manera concisa la polaridad entre la ausencia de un reconocimiento legal de la IA y su impacto

The direct radiative effect (DRE) during 20 intense and widespread dust outbreaks, which affected the broader Mediterranean basin over the period March 2000–February 2013, has been calculated with the NMMB-MONARCH model at regional (Sahara and European continent) and short-term temporal (84 h) scales. According to model simulations, the maximum dust aerosol optical depths (AODs) range from ∼ 2.5 to ∼ 5.5 among the identified cases. At midday, dust outbreaks locally induce a NET (shortwave plus longwave) strong atmospheric warming (DREATM values up to 285 W m−2; Niger–Chad; dust AODs up to ∼ 5.5) and a strong surface cooling (DRENETSURF values down to −337 W m−2), whereas they strongly reduce the downward radiation at the ground level (DRESURF values down to −589 W m−2 over the Eastern Mediterranean, for extremely high dust AODs, 4.5–5). During night-time, reverse effects of smaller magnitude are found. At the top of the atmosphere (TOA), positive (planetary warming) DREs up to 85 W m−2 are found over highly reflective surfaces (Niger–Chad; dust AODs up to ∼ 5.5) while negative (planetary cooling) DREs down to −184 W m−2 (Eastern Mediterranean; dust AODs 4.5–5) are computed over dark surfaces at noon. Dust outbreaks significantly affect the mean regional radiation budget, with NET DREs ranging from −8.5 to 0.5 W m−2, from −31.6 to 2.1 W m−2, from −22.2 to 2.2 W m−2 and from −1.7 to 20.4 W m−2 for TOA, SURF, NETSURF and ATM, respectively. Although the shortwave DREs are larger than the longwave ones, the latter are comparable or even larger at TOA, particularly over the Sahara at midday. As a response to the strong surface day-time cooling, dust outbreaks cause a reduction in the regional sensible and latent heat fluxes by up to 45 and 4 W m−2, respectively, averaged over land areas of the simulation domain. Dust outbreaks reduce the temperature at 2 m by up to 4 K during day-time, whereas a reverse tendency of similar magnitude is found during night-time. Depending on the vertical distribution of dust loads and time, mineral particles heat (cool) the atmosphere by up to 0.9 K (0.8 K) during day-time (night-time) within atmospheric dust layers. Beneath and above the dust clouds, mineral particles cool (warm) the atmosphere by up to 1.3 K (1.2 K) at noon (night-time). On a regional mean basis, negative feedbacks on the total emitted dust (reduced by 19.5 %) and dust AOD (reduced by 6.9 %) are found when dust interacts with the radiation. Through the consideration of dust radiative effects in numerical simulations, the model positive and negative biases for the downward surface SW or LW radiation, respectively, with respect to Baseline Surface Radiation Network (BSRN) measurements, are reduced. In addition, they also reduce the model near-surface (at 2 m) nocturnal cold biases by up to 0.5 K (regional averages), as well as the model warm biases at 950 and 700 hPa, where the dust concentration is maximized, by up to 0.4 K. However, improvements are relatively small and do not happen in all episodes because other model first-order errors may dominate over the expected improvements, and the misrepresentation of the dust plumes' spatiotemporal features and optical properties may even produce a double penalty effect. The enhancement of dust forecasts via data assimilation techniques may significantly improve the results. ; The MDRAF project has received funding from the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and demonstration under grant agreement no. 622662. Oriol Jorba and Sara Basart acknowledge the grant CGL2013-46736 and the AXA Research Fund. Carlos Pérez García-Pando acknowledges long-term support from the AXA Research Fund, as well as the support received through the Ramón y Cajal programme (grant RYC-2015-18690) and grant CGL2017-88911-R of the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness. The authors acknowledge support from the EU COST Action CA16202 "International Network to Encourage the Use of Monitoring and Forecasting Dust Products (InDust)". Simulations were performed with the Marenostrum Supercomputer at the Barcelona Supercomputing Center (BSC). We would like to thank the principal investigators maintaining the BSRN sites used in the present work. The authors would like thank the Arnon Karnieli for his effort in establishing and maintaining SEDE_BOKER AERONET site. ; Peer Reviewed ; Postprint (published version)

Comprehensive protection of the rights of the victim is receiving increasingly more attention both at national and international level. Thus, this study aims to analyse the rights of the victim – the legal regulations and practical application of the victim's right to protect their rights to the highest possible degree. The first part of the study is devoted to the victim's right to be informed. This right is directly related to the victim's opportunity to actively take part in the proceedings. A problem identified in this regard is the option provided in the law that a decision to refuse initiation of criminal proceedings may be written in an abridged form. An additional encumbrance arises from the incorrect interpretation and application of the legislative norm stipulating the right of the victim to familiarise themselves with the case material. The second part of the study analyses the victim's right to protection. This issue is viewed in context with Directive 2011/99/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council on the European protection order. The study concludes that the protective measures indicated in the Directive have existed in Latvia since the Criminal Procedure Law came into force in 2005. A positive element is the possibility to protect a victim in any member state of the EU. The third part of the study is devoted to the victim's right to compensation. Compensation for harm inflicted to the victim by the crime is an essential part of the principle of restorative justice. A proposal is put forth to improve the state compensation mechanism. The study indicates the necessity to give special attention in practice to locating a person's property. This would allow to better ensure that criminally acquired property is found and compensation for harm to victims is available. The study refers to a judgement of 8 March 2017 of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Latvia, which pertains to the returning of criminally alienated property to its rightful owner and the rights of the person who had acquired this property in good faith. The conclusion of the study stresses that the ideal model for protecting the rights of the victim would, of course, be that having found a crime to have been committed, the person contacts the investigative body, testifies as to their knowledge about the offence and submits a claim for compensation, and afterwards they merely have to await the state compensation to be transferred to their bank account, and information to be provided to them about the proceedings. Such a procedure would only be applied if the victim does not wish to actively involve themselves in the criminal proceedings. ; Visapusiškai nukentėjusiųjų teisių apsaugai skiriamas vis didesnis dėmesys tiek nacionaliniu, tiek tarptautiniu lygiu. Taigi, šio tyrimo tikslas – išanalizuoti nukentėjusiojo teises– teisės normas ir jų praktinį taikymą, siekiant kuo geriau apsaugoti nukentėjusiojo teises. Pirmoji tyrimo dalis skirta aptarti nukentėjusiojo teisę būti informuotam. Ši teisė yra tiesiogiai susijusi su nukentėjusiojo galimybe aktyviai dalyvauti teismo procese. Viena iš problemų laikytina tai, kad Latvijos įstatyme numatyta galimybė sprendimą atsisakyti pradėtą baudžiamąjį procesą parengti sutrumpinta forma. Papildomas sunkumas kyla dėl netinkamo teisės normos, nustatančios nukentėjusiojo teisę susipažinti pačiam su bylos medžiaga, aiškinimo ir taikymo. Antroje tyrimo dalyje analizuojama nukentėjusiojo teisė į apsaugą. Šis klausimas nagrinėjamas atsižvelgiant į Europos Parlamento ir Tarybos direktyvą 2011/99/EU dėl Europos apsaugos orderio. Tyrime prieinama prie išvados, kad direktyvoje nurodytos apsaugos priemonės Latvijoje egzistuoja nuo 2005 m. įsigaliojusio Baudžiamojo proceso kodekso. Pozityvus tokio reguliavimo elementas – galimybė apsaugoti nukentėjusįjį bet kurioje ES valstybėje. Trečioji tyrimo dalis skirta aptarti nukentėjusiojo teisę į kompensaciją. Žalos, atsiradusios dėl padaryto nusikaltimo, atlyginimas nukentėjusiam yra esminė atkuriamojo teisingumo principo dalis. Straipsnyje pasiūlyta, kaip pagerinti dabartinį valstybės kompensavimo mechanizmą. Tyrimas atskleidė, kad praktikoje ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas asmens turtui rasti (nustatyti). Tai leistų geriau užtikrinti, kad nusikalstamai įgytas turtas būtų surastas ir nukentėjusiesiems būtų iš ko kompensuoti nusikaltimo padarytą žalą. Tyrime remiamasi Latvijos Respublikos Konstitucinio Teismo 2017 m. kovo 8 d. sprendimu, susijusiu su iš nusikalstamų veikų įgyto turto grąžinimu jo teisėtam savininkui ir asmens, kuris šį turtą įsigijo sąžiningai, teisėmis. Tyrime prieinama išvada, kad idealus nukentėjusiųjų gynimo modelis turėtų būti toks: jei buvo padaryta nusikalstama veika, asmuo kreipiasi į ikiteisminio tyrimo įstaigą, pateikia informaciją apie nusikalstamą veiką, pateikia reikalavimą dėl kompensacijos, o vėliau tik laukia, kol į jo banko sąskaitą bus pervesta valstybės kompensacija, ir informacijos apie procesą konkrečioje byloje. Tačiau autorius siūlo tokią procedūrą taikyti tik tada, jei nukentėjusysis nenori aktyviai dalyvauti baudžiamajame procese.

This book is a result of the series of four research and debate symposia convened by ETH Zurich members with international academics and practitioners in the field of spatial planning. Launched in 2015, the gatherings first aimed at explaining the use of theories and methods in spatial planning education. Soon the initial idea evolved into an example-driven approach directed towards bridging the gap between planning practice and theory. Briefly put, the book revolves around 'inspiring stories' that describe a wide variety of spatial problems as well as the planning mechanisms used to address these; in addition, 'fundamental topics' are provided to facilitate the understanding of certain planning processes illustrated by the practical cases. There are two main reasons behind choosing this method to introduce spatial planning. Firstly, the spatial planning profession is facing a great crisis. Experts are confronted with a quantum leap in the availability of information and the variety of visualisation and simulation instruments suitable for their analysis. While planners can certainly rely on the new technologies available to support the planning process, it seems to be that the nature of planning process is being underestimated. Planners are once again facing the problem of having the emphasis placed on the products of planning instead on the planning process itself – a paradigm that has been challenged since the 1960s. A second motive to create this book lies in the relationship between planners as experts and lay persons. The latter are usually fascinated with the physical interventions in space, whether these are great urban and architectural complexes or astonishing infrastructural projects. However, what seems to be forgotten, again, is the careful planning process that brought the interventions into being despite numerous problems of various kinds, e.g., lack of resources, time constraints, conflicting interests, legal barriers, etc. Therefore, the key question is: How is it possible to bring the fascinating planning results into the daylight? This book intends to answer this question and create interest and curiosity for the field of spatial planning. Using case descriptions of a new park in Milan, storm water protection in Chicago, redevelopment of an industrial brownfield in Attisholz or a better solution for a traffic project in Antwerp and by throwing light on the topic of planning approaches, special problem-solving methods or reflective leadership, we want to interest readers in the role and importance of spatial planning in securing quality for our daily lives as well as bringing about a sustainable urban future. In their professional lives, spatial planners are required to communicate in a simple and clear manner if they want their concerns to be understood when faced with a multitude of actors from quite different backgrounds, specialisations, institutions and social levels. Therefore, we have tried to write this book in everyday language, free of jargon and technical terms, in an effort to reach a wide audience outside professional planning circles. The book is also directed towards professionals in related disciplines and to spatially relevant actors and politicians who, in one way or another, are involved in realising spatial plans and are interested in spatial matters of public interest. We would be especially pleased if the challenging and sometimes compelling stories presented in this book raise interest in studying spatial planning or lead to advanced educational or professional development programmes. In particular, we hope the examples will also serve as an incentive to use some of the methods and theories described here. Both are needed for well-founded spatial planning and may even serve as a basis for new ideas. Nevertheless, reading this book cannot replace the lessons and information contained in the specialised literature on planning. To meet this need, we have included references to informative and enlightening sources as a basis for possible further research in the field of spatial planning. In conclusion, we are sincerely grateful to all the authors who compiled interesting planning practice examples and key planning topics and have thus genuinely contributed to the quality of this book. We also want to thank them for their active participation and commitment over the last few years. We hope that this collaborative effort and critical exchange of ideas serves to motivate and inspire everyone involved in the field of spatial planning. Finally, we want to thank all those at ETH Zurich who made it possible to publish this book.

The article covers a social and philosophical analysis of essential attributes and multiple manifestations of the information hybrid warfare in Latvia and Ukraine. The combination of forms, methods, means and tools in preparation for and committing hybrid aggression varies depending on the conditions of its implementation, response of international community and regional specifics.Further, there is a certain general algorithm for launching hybrid warfare. Usually it comprises a number of stages and the role of mass media at each is different.The initial hybrid influence of Russian media in Ukraine can be traced back to the period following the victory of the Maidan in 2014. At the first stage the hidden information aggression of Russia against Ukraine manifested itself in absolutization of language and confession issues, speculation on economic difficulties, emphasizing the incompatibility of values of the West and East of Ukraine, which are focused on Europe and Russia, respectively. The second stage unfolded concurrently with the Revolution of Dignity. Media purposefully presented a unilaterally distorted "picture" of social disorder and collapse of the government machinery at the time and aggravated the pre-developed stereotypes and myths in respect of the fundamental incapability of the Ukrainians to have their state. The third stage fell at a "hot phase" of the armed conflict. It featured a great number of fake news and information as well as blatant lie of Russian media.As to the information aggression of Russia against Latvia, it should be primarily taken into account here that the latter is a member of the NATO and European Union, which Moscow is unwilling to enter into an open conflict with, therefore using an arsenal of non-military tools of hybrid warfare against EU countries. ; У статті здійснений соціально-філософський аналіз сутнісних ознак і різноманітності проявів інформаційної гібридної війни в Латвії та Україні. Комбінація форм, методів, засобів, інструментів при підготовці та здійсненні гібридної агресії варіюється в залежності від умов її проведення, реакції міжнародної спільноти, регіональних особливостей.Крім цього, існує певний загальний алгоритм розгортання гібридної війни. Зазвичай він включає декілька стадій і роль засобів масової інформації на кожній з цих стадій є різною.В Україні початок гібридного впливу з боку російських ЗМІ може бути зафіксований після перемоги Майдану 2004 року. На першій стадії прихована інформаційна агресія Росії проти України проявлялася в абсолютизації мовної і конфесійної проблем, спекуляції на тему економічних труднощів, підкресленні несумісності цінностей Заходу і Сходу України, орієнтованих, відповідно, на Європу та Росію. Друга стадія розгортається паралельно з Революцією Гідності. На цій стадії ЗМІ цілеспрямовано подають однобічно викривлену «картинку» суцільного безладу, руйнації державного апарату, поглиблюють сформовані раніше стереотипи і міфи про принципову неспроможність українців мати свою державу. Третя стадія припадає на «гарячу фазу» збройного конфлікту. Її характерною рисою є величезна кількість фейкових новин та інформації та відверта брехня російських ЗМІ.Щодо інформаційної агресії Росії проти Латвії, то тут слід, насамперед, враховувати, що остання є членом НАТО і Європейського Союзу, з якими Москва не бажає вступати у відкритий конфлікт, тому проти країн Євросоюзу Росією використовується арсенал невійськових інструментів гібридної війни. ; В статье осуществлен социально-философский анализ сущностных признаков и разнообразия проявлений информационной гибридной войны в Латвии и Украине. Комбинация форм, методов, средств, инструментов при подготовке и осуществлении гибридной агрессии варьируется в зависимости от условий ее проведения, реакции международного сообщества, региональных особенностей.Кроме этого, существует некий общий алгоритм развертывания гибридной войны. Обычно он включает несколько стадий, и роль средств массовой информации на каждой из этих стадий различна.В Украине начало гибридного воздействия со стороны российских СМИ может быть зафиксировано после победы Майдана 2004 года. На первой стадии скрытая информационная агрессия России против Украины проявлялась в абсолютизации языковой и конфессиональной проблем, спекуляции на тему экономических проблем, подчеркивании несовместимости ценностей Запада и Востока Украины, ориентированных соответственно на Европу и Россию. Вторая стадия разворачивается параллельно с Революцией Достоинства. На этой стадии СМИ целенаправленно подают односторонне искаженную «картинку» сплошного беспорядка, разрушения государственного аппарата, углубляют сложившиеся ранее стереотипы и мифы о принципиальной неспособности украинцев иметь свое государство. Третья стадия приходится на «горячую фазу» вооруженного конфликта. Ее характерной чертой является огромное количество фейковых новостей и информации и откровенная ложь российских СМИ.Относительно информационной агрессии России против Латвии, следует, прежде всего, учитывать, что последняя является членом НАТО и Европейского Союза, с которыми Москва не желает вступать в открытый конфликт, поэтому против стран Евросоюза Россией используется арсенал невоенных инструментов гибридной войны.

Chapter I: The Impact of Occupation on HealthParticipation in meaningful occupations contributes to good health and well-being. Workers are more likely to derive satisfaction from participating in occupations well-suited to their skills and training. This project provides causal evidence of the impact of occupation on health among college graduates. In particular, I estimate the health effect of participation in occupations well-suited to their education level, that is, occupations that value college education. Valuation of college education in an occupation is measured by occupation-specific college earning premium: the adjusted percentage difference in earnings between workers with and without college degrees in this given occupation. The causal inference relies on estimation with instrumental variables, which are constructed in the spirit of Hausman's price instrumental variables. The result suggests that college educated individuals participating in occupations with higher college earning premiums have better self-reported health, even after accounting for income, occupational prestige, and within-occupation hierarchy. This is the first paper to establish the causal impact of occupation on health. I also show that this causal impact remains significant across various specifications.Chapter II: The Power of PropagandaSince the 1950s, China's central government's gender equality propaganda is widely accepted as the explanation for China's high female labor force participation rate. In an effort to provide empirical evidence for this viewpoint, this project shows that early exposure to propaganda promoting gender equality affects individuals' attitudes towards women in the workforce. We gauge variation in the political climate between 1952 and 2008 by using the official newspaper of the central government, People's Daily, which has been under the direct control of the Chinese Communist Party's top leadership. For causal inference, we exploit provincial variation in propaganda intensities, proxied by provincial level radio and television signal coverage. In addition, we use the timing of exogenous events to generate an instrumental variable for intensity peaks of the gender-equality propaganda. First, we exploit the exogenous timing of a series of national and international Women's Conference as one set of instrumental variables. Second, we utilize the timing of Jiang Qing's (Mao's wife) coming into prominence and her sudden removal by a political coup towards the end of the Cultural Revolution. We find that women with more intense exposure to propaganda promoting gender equality before age 26, and men with more intense exposure before age 18 tend to endorse women's participation in the workforce. The effect of propaganda is more pronounced on women than men. It is worth noting that while propaganda encourages women's participation in the workforce, it does not emphasize men's responsibility in the household. We indeed find evidence of the "superwoman complex": women are expected to strive for a career and do the bulk of the housework. This further evidence suggests that propaganda is able to transmit a more nuanced message, rather than a singularly progressive one. This is the first paper to empirically establish the long-term effect of early exposure to propaganda on individual's preference formation.Chapter III: Do Food Stamps Need More Restrictions?Given the high prevalence of obesity in low income population, several times in the history of Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Congress has considered placing limits on the types of food that could be purchased with program benefits. This study provides empirical evidence on the effectiveness of such potential restriction by examining the impact of income on calorie consumption patterns. The intuition is that if limited budget is the main reason why low-income households choose calorie dense food items, then subsidy without any restriction, acting as an upward shift in income, would reduce the likelihood of obesity. Using the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey data from 2007-2014, I compare individuals from households who were recently dropped from SNAP, most likely due to a positive income shock, to individuals who are still participating in the program. I find little income effect on calorie consumption patterns. Whereas reduced grocery store accessibility is significantly correlated with an increase in total calorie intake, and calorie intake from sugar and fat. The result of this study suggests that placing limits on the types of food that could be purchased would be effective in curbing the obesity pandemic in low income population, and it also confirms the importance of eliminating food deserts.

Die Dissertation von L. Zuckerman (auch bekannt als Layla Zami) erforscht die Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Erinnerung, Bewegung, Diaspora und Zeit/Raum in Tanzproduktionen des 21. Jahrhunderts. In einer innovativen transkulturellen, transdisziplinären und transtemporalen Perspektive setzt die Publikation den Akzent auf die Solo-Arbeiten von sieben zeitgenössischen Choreograph_innen, die in Deutschland, Frankreich, Taiwan, Martinique, Palästina und den USA leben, und Interpret_innen ihrer eigenen Stücke sind. Ausgehend von der Hypothese, dass Körper eine zentrale Rolle in der Aushandlung und Überwindung von Machtverhältnissen spielen, fragt die Forschung was geschehen kann, wenn tanzende Körper die Vergangenheit in die Gegenwart transportieren, im materiellen und im metaphorischen Sinne. Die Autorin leitet ein neues Konzept ein, das im Englischen sowohl Substantiv als auch Verb ist: (to) perforMemory. Sie reflektiert die Besonderheiten der Ausdruckform Tanz in der Darstellung, Herstellung, und Tradierung von kultureller Erinnerung im Bezug auf historische Traumata wie der Holocaust, der Transatlantische Sklavenhandel, die Maafa, die Nakba und zeitgenössische gesellschaftspolitische Herausforderungen. Das als Spirale konzipierte Buch lädt zu einer Wanderung durch diasporische Tanz_schaften, in denen sich Fragestellungen zu Identität, Körperlichkeit, Zugehörigkeit, Räumlichkeit und Zeitlichkeit entfalten, und sich in der Diskussion von bestimmten Tanzsequenzen wechselseitig beleuchten. Die Doktorarbeit basiert auf den Ergebnissen einer vierjährigen internationalen Forschung. Die Quellen schöpfen aus unterschiedlichen Fachrichtungen, u.a. Gender und Queer Studies, Tanz/Performance, Kulturwissenschaften, Erinnerung, Postkoloniale Studien, Literatur, Quantenphysik, und Lyrik. Die Veröffentlichung beinhaltet ebenfalls die vollständigen Transkripte von persönlichen Gesprächen, die die Autorin mit den Künstler_innen Oxana Chi, Zufit Simon, Wan-Chao Chang, André M. Zachery, Farah Saleh, Christiane Emmanuel und Chantal Loïal aufgenommen hat, sowie Links zu Performance-Ausschnitten. ; The dissertation by L. Zuckerman (aka Layla Zami) explores the interrelations and interactions between memory, movement, diaspora, and spacetime in 21st century dance productions. In an innovative transcultural, transdisciplinary and transtemporal approach, the publication focuses on solo works by seven contemporary dancers-choreographers based in Germany, France, Taiwan, Martinique, Palestine and the USA. Contending that corporeality is a site and a source of power, the research asks what happens when moving bodies propel the past into the present, metaphorically and materially. The author introduces a new concept: (to) perforMemory, which is both a noun and a verb, and discusses the specificity of dance in the production and transmission of cultural memory in relation to historical trauma such as the Holocaust, the Transatlantic Slave Trade, Maafa, the Nakba and contemporary sociopolitical challenges. Conceived in a spiral-like fashion, the book takes the reader through diasporic dancescapes in which notions of identity, home, embodiment, spatiality and temporality unfold and are brought into resonance with each other in the discussion of specific dance examples. The theoretical references connect such various fields as gender studies, dance and performance studies, cultural memory studies, postcolonial studies, literature, quantum physics, queer studies and poetry. Based on doctoral research conducted across the globe from 2013 to 2017, the electronic publication also features the full interview transcripts of personal conversations recorded by the author with the artists Oxana Chi, Zufit Simon, Wan-Chao Chang, André M. Zachery, Farah Saleh, Christiane Emmanuel and Chantal Loïal, as well as links to audiovisual performance excerpts. ; La thèse explore les interrelations et interactions entre mémoire, mouvement, diaspora et espace-temps dans la danse au XXIème siècle. Dans une approche transculturelle, transdisciplinaire et transtemporelle, la publication se concentre sur des pièces solo chorégraphiées et interprétées par sept chorégraphes contemporain.e.s basé.e.s en Allemagne, France, Martinique, Palestine, à Taiwan et aux Etats-Unis. Estimant que les corps humains sont objets et sujets de relations de pouvoir, la thèse étudie ce qui se passe lorsque les corps dansent le passé au temps présent, au sens propre et au sens figuré. L'auteure introduit un nouveau concept: (to) perforMemory, à la fois un substantif et un verbe en anglais. Elle met en relief la spécificité de la danse comme forme de production et transmission de la mémoire culturelle, en relation avec des traumas historiques tels que l'Holocauste, la Traite triangulaire ou Maafa, la Nakba ainsi que des défis sociopolitiques contemporains. Conçu comme une spirale, le livre est une invitation au voyage à travers des paysages diasporiques dansés, dans lequel les notions d'identité, d'appartenance, de spatialité, de temporalité et de représentation émergent tour à tour, et s'illuminent mutuellement dans l'analyse de séquences de danse concrètes. Le corpus théorique puise dans des domaines aussi variés que les études de genre, la danse, les études postcoloniales, la litérature, les Cultural Studies, la physique quantique, les études queer et la poésie. Basée sur des recherches doctorales conduites de 2013 à 2017 à travers le monde, cette publication électronique comprend également les transcriptions intégrales des entretiens personnels menés avec les artistes Oxana Chi, Zufit Simon, Chantal Loïal, Christiane Emmanuel, Farah Saleh, Wan-Chao Chang, et André M. Zachery, ainsi que des liens vers des extraits audiovisuels de spectacles.

This report is based on interviews conducted with Eritrean refugees who left Israel under the "Voluntary Departure" program to Rwanda and Uganda. There – in contrast to the promises made to them by the State of Israel – they were not granted protection, forcing them to embark on a dangerous journey ending in Europe. This report focuses on the "Voluntary Departure" policy and how it affected the lives of those who left Israel under it. This policy has been implemented since late 2013 vis-à-vis Eritrean and Sudanese residing in Israel. In January 2018, shortly before the publication of this report, the State of Israel announced an escalation of the measures it implements against this population; one such measure is a plan to forcibly deport asylum-seekers to a third country, i.e., not their homeland. The report is based on a qualitative research made up of 19 interviews with Eritrean refugees who left Israel between 2014-2016. 11 interviews were conducted in Germany and eight in the Netherlands, the countries of residence of the interviewees, in which the overwhelming majority received refugee status. An analysis of their responses shows a similar pattern: promises made by the Israeli government, both in court and to those departing, about what awaits them after their arrival to Rwanda and Uganda, went unfulfilled. Instead of being granted access to a process of applying for asylum or work permits, the deportees, upon landing, were placed in a precarious situation: the travel document they received in Israel, the only identifying document in their possession, was taken away from them. They were transferred to a hotel guarded by an armed sentry and prevented, under threat, from leaving the hotel. None of them were given the opportunity to apply for asylum. ; Lacking identifying documentation, exposed to robberies, threats and arrest, they were forced to embark on a dangerous journey that included passing through South Sudan, Sudan and Libya in search of safety. Throughout the journey, the refugees were subjected to human trafficking, incarceration, the threat of forcible deportation to Eritrea, harsh conditions of starvation, violence, slavery in torture camps in Libya and a dangerous crossing of the Mediterranean Sea from Libya to Europe. The interviewees described a perilous journey permeated with an all-encompassing fear of death: many witnessed the death of fellow travelers during the crossing of the Sahara Desert, in the torture camps in Libya and as they drowned in the Mediterranean Sea. Among the dead were others who had who left Israel "voluntarily." This conclusion is in congruence with findings of previous reports published by Israeli and international NGOs that collected testimonies in African countries of those who "voluntarily" departed Israel. These testimonies were recently buttressed by a statement of the United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees (UNHCR) about dozens of similar testimonies the agency collected in Italy. Taken together, several hundreds of testimonies have been collected. Thus, the report confirms that the alarming patterns documented by previous reports have not changed. In addition, this report, for the first time, details additional stages in the journey of those who departed. Little information was available about these legs of the journey – and especially about what the interviewees experienced in Libya and during their crossing of the Mediterranean Sea– until their arrival in Europe ; דו"ח מחקר זה מבוסס על ראיונות שנערכו עם פליטים אריתריאים אשר עזבו את ישראל במסגרת תכנית העזיבה "מרצון" לרואנדה ולאוגנדה. שם - בניגוד להבטחות שניתנו להם על ידי מדינת ישראל - לא זכו להגנה ונאלצו לצאת למסע רווי סכנות, שהסתיים באירופה. הרקע לדו"ח היא מדיניות "העזיבה מרצון" והוא עוסק בהשלכותיה על העוזבים. מדיניות זו מופעלת החל מסוף שנת 2013 כלפי מבקשי מקלט אריתריאים וסודנים החיים בישראל, אולם בינואר ,2018 זמן קצר לפני מועד פרסומו של דו"ח זה, הודיעה מדינת ישראל על החרפת צעדיה כלפי אוכלוסייה זו, החרפה הכוללת גם כוונה לגרשם בכפייה משטחה למדינה שלישית. מסקנות דו"ח זה ברורות: לא רק שההבטחות שניתנו לעוזבים "מרצון" אינן מתקיימות, אלא גם יישומו של "נוהל ההרחקה למדינות שלישיות" הוא בחזקת סכנה ממשית לשלומם הנפשי, לביטחונם ולחייהם של גברים, נשים וילדים, וכבר גבה את חייהם של מספר לא ידוע של בני אדם. העדויות המובאות בדו"ח זה הן קריאה לעצירתה של מדיניות הגירוש המתוכננת ולהסדרת מעמדם של מבקשי המקלט החיים בישראל.

Apesar de fundada em 1554, São Paulo tornou-se um fenômeno urbano digno de nota apenas no século XX, passando dos 239 mil habitantes em 1900 aos 10 milhões em 2000. Várias regulações procuraram ordenar o uso do solo e verticalização da cidade desde o início do século passado, mas apenas o Plano de Avenidas, elaborado em 1930 por Prestes Maia, permitiu que a cidade estabelecesse uma estrutura de expansão vislumbrando a dimensão do crescimento por vir. No final da década de 1960 o Plano Urbanístico Básico, PUB (1968) foi capaz de propor uma estrutura urbana baseada em uma combinação de sistemas de mobilidade, vias expressas para pneus e trilhos para metrôs e trens de subúrbio, organizando o crescimento em dimensão metropolitana. Em 2013 começa uma revisão do Plano Diretor aprovado em 2002, exigência da nova legislação federal brasileira que regula as cidades, levando a um novo PDE de 2014. O desafio de planejar o desenvolvimento urbano de qualquer aglomeração com população acima de dez milhões de habitantes é merecedor da atenção internacional. O novo Plano Diretor Estratégico (PDE) de São Paulo apresenta vários aspectos inovadores que podem servir de referência para países de urbanização recente, onde a estruturação do crescimento também demanda a articulação entre a construção de infraestruturas e oferecimento de níveis mínimos de inclusão social através de serviços públicos de habitação, saúde e educação. ; Sebbene fondata nel 1554, San Paolo è diventato un fenomeno urbano degno di nota solo nel XX secolo, passando da 239.000 abitanti nel 1900 a 10 milioni nel 2000. Diverse norme hanno cercato di regolamentare l'uso del suolo e la verticalizzazione della città dall'inizio del secolo scorso, ma solo il Piano dei viali (Plano de Avenidas), elaborato nel 1930 da Prestes Maia, ha permesso alla città di dotarsi di una struttura di espansione in grado di intravvedere le dimensioni della sua crescita futura. Alla fine degli anni '60, il Plano Urbanístico Basíco, PUB (1968), Piano urbanistico essenziale, fu in grado di proporre una struttura urbana articolata in una combinazione di diversi sistemi di mobilità – superstrade per i mezzi su gomma e rotaie per le metropolitane e i treni suburbani –, organizzando la crescita nell'area metropolitana. Nel 2013 si avvia la revisione del Piano urbanistico (Plano Diretor) approvato nel 2002, in risposta alla nuova legislazione federale brasiliana sulle città, portando nel 2014 a un nuovo Piano urbanistico strategico (PDE). La sfida di pianificare lo sviluppo urbano di un insediamento con oltre 10 milioni di abitanti merita attenzione internazionale. Il nuovo Piano urbanistico strategico (Plano Diretor Estratégico, PDE) di San Paolo presenta diversi aspetti innovativi e costituisce un utile riferimento per i paesi ad urbanizzazione recente, dove la strutturazione della crescita richiede un bilanciamento tra la costruzione delle infrastrutture e l'offerta di livelli minimi di inclusione sociale, erogati attraverso edilizia pubblica e servizi sanitari e scolastici. ; Although founded in 1554, São Paulo became an urban phenomenon only in the 20th century, growing from 239,000 inhabitants in 1900 to 10 million in 2000. Various regulations have sought to order the land use and the verticalization of the city since the beginning of the last century, but only the Avenues Plan, elaborated in 1930 by Prestes Maia, allowed the city to establish an expansion structure glimpsing the dimension of growth to come. It was in the late 1960s that the Basic Urban Plan, PUB (1968), was able to propose an urban structure based on a combination of mobility systems, motorways for road transportation (cars, trucks and busses) and rails for subway and suburban trains, organizing the growth at metropolitan scale. Being a requirement of the new Brazilian federal legislation on cities, in 2013 a revision of the Master Plan approved in 2002 began, and it led to a new Strategic Plan in 2014. The challenge of planning the urban development of any agglomeration with a population of over ten million inhabitants is worthy of international attention. The new Strategic Plan (PDE) of the city of São Paulo presents several innovative aspects that can serve as a reference for countries of recent urbanization, where the structuring of growth requires a balance between the construction of infrastructures and the provision of minimum levels of social inclusion through housing, health and education.

06.03.2018 tarihli ve 30352 sayılı Resmi Gazetede yayımlanan "Yükseköğretim Kanunu İle Bazı Kanun Ve Kanun Hükmünde Kararnamelerde Değişiklik Yapılması Hakkında Kanun" ile 18.06.2018 tarihli "Lisansüstü Tezlerin Elektronik Ortamda Toplanması, Düzenlenmesi ve Erişime Açılmasına İlişkin Yönerge" gereğince tam metin erişime açılmıştır. ; Bu çalışma, modern tarih boyunca Rusya'nın Mısır ve Libya'ya yönelik dış politikasındaki süreklilik ve değişim bileşenleri incelemeyi ve açıklamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu çalışma farklı dönemlerde bu Arap devletlerine yönelik Rus dış politikasını belirlemede önemli rol oynayan faktörleri bulmaya çalışıyor. Bunu yapmak için birincil araştırma sorusu ve beş alt araştırma sorusu öne sürülmüştür. Başlıca araştırma sorusu şu şekildedir: Rusya'nın tarih boyunca Mısır'a ve Libya'ya yönelik izlediği dış politika çizgisi nedir? Ana araştırma sorusunu açıklığa kavuşturmak için aşağıdaki beş alt soru yardım etmektedir: 1. Rusya'nın Orta Doğu'ya ve özellikle Mısır'a ve Libya'ya yönelik başlıca dış politika ilkeleri nelerdir? 2. Mısır'a ve Libya'ya yönelik Rus dış politikası Sovyetler Birliği döneminde ve çöküşünden sonra ne kadar farklı oldu? 3. Rusya, Mısır ve Libyadaki devrimleri nasıl algıladı? 4. Arap devrimleri Rus-Mısır ve Rus-Libya ilişkilerini nasıl etkiledi? 5. Arap devrimleri sonrası Mısır'a ve Libya'ya yönelik "yeni" Rus politikasının ana hatları nelerdir? Mısır'a ve Libya'ya yönelik çağdaş Rus dış politikasını araştırmak için araştırmada yorumlayıcı yaklaşım ve tanımlayıcı tarihsel yöntem uygulandı. Bilgi kaynakları olarak hem ilk hem de ikinci el kaynaklar kullanıldı. İlk el kaynaklar olarak dış politika doktrinlerin ve sözleşmelerin metinleri kullanılmıştır. İkinci el kaynaklar olarak kitaplar, akademik ve analitik makaleler, yayınlanmış doktora tezleri ve haberler kullanıldı. Söz konusu kaynaklar İngilizce, Rusça ve Türkçe dillerindedir. Mısır'a ve Libya'ya yönelik Rus dış politikasını incelemek üzere Rusya'yı etkileyen iç ve dış ekonomik, siyasal ve sosyal faktörler titizlikle incelendi. Birinci bölümde SSCB-Mısır ve SSCB-Libya ilişkileri ele alındı. İkinci kısım, Rusya Federasyonun bu devletlere yönelik dış politikasını ele aldı. Üçüncü kısım, Mısır'da ve Libya'da yakın zamanda yaşanan olaylar ve Rusya'nın bu ülkelerde yaşanan ani dönüşüme karşı tepkisi ve izlediği politikası incelendi. ; This study aims at exploring and unveiling the continuity and change components of the Soviet and Russian foreign policies in the Middle East towards Egypt and Libya throughout modern history. It seeks to figure out the factors which play a crucial role in Russian foreign policy towards the given Arab states in the different period of time. To do so, a primary research question and five sub-research questions have been put forward. The paramount question following: What was the Russian foreign policy trajectory followed throughout their history with Egypt and Libya? In order to clarify the main research question, there are five sub-questions which are as follows 1. What are the main foreign policy principles Russia pursues in regards with the Middle East, particularly towards Egypt and Libya? 2. How does the Russian foreign policy towards Egypt and Libya differ from that during the Soviet Union and after its collapse? 3. How has Russia perceived the uprisings in Egypt and Libya? 4. How have the Arab uprisings affected Russian-Egyptian and Russian-Libyan relations? 5. What are the main lines of the "new" Russian policy towards the post-Arab uprising Egypt and Libya? To investigate the contemporary Russian foreign policy with regard to Egypt and Libya, the interpretive approach and descriptive historical method have been applied throughout the research. As for the sources of information, both first and second-hand accounts have been utilized. The first-hand sources are transcripts of doctrines and agreement texts. As far as second-hand sources are concerned, some various books, academic and analytical articles, both published and unpublished Master and Ph.D. degree dissertations, documentary films and also the news reviews have been used. The above-mentioned information has been available in English, Russian and Turkish. In order to examine Russian foreign policy applied to Egypt and Libya, a number of series of foreign policy doctrines and domestic political, economic and social factors according to which Russia has interacted with players in the Middle East, particularly in Egypt and Libya, regional events and dynamics of international systems have been scrutinized in the following three chapters. The 1st chapter examined the USSR-Egyptian and the USSR-Libyan relations. The 2nd part of the paper focused on the analysis of the Russian Federation's foreign policies towards the given states. The 3rd part was dedicated to the investigation of the recent political situation in Egypt and Libya, and Russian foreign policy towards the rapidly changing socio-political directions in the Middle East.