Suchergebnisse

For patriotic citizens, living in their native country is intrinsically preferable compared to living in the diaspora. In this paper, we analyze the implications of such a patriotic lock-in in a world with international migration and redistributive taxation. In a formal model of redistribution with international migration and fiscal competition we derive the main hypothesis: that countries with a more patriotic population should have higher redistributive taxes. Using ISSP survey data and combining them with OECD taxation data, we find robust evidence suggesting that a) higher patriotism is associated with higher tax burdens, and b) this relation is stronger for the upper-middle range of the income distribution. ; Die individuelle Entscheidung, dauerhaft im Ausland zu leben, wird sowohl von finanziellen als auch von nicht-monetären Aspekten beeinflusst. Patriotismus (Heimatbindung) ist einer dieser nicht-monetären Faktoren, der zwischen den Ländern aber auch innerhalb eines Landes variiert. Ausgehend davon analysieren wir zunächst theoretisch die Auswirkungen von Patriotismus auf den Steuerwettbewerb zwischen zwei Ländern. In der ersten Stufe des Spieles entscheiden die Individuen, ob sie auswandern oder nicht und in der zweiten Stufe erheben die Länder vom hoch-produktiven Anteil der Bevölkerung (unabhängig vom Ursprung der Individuen) Steuern zur Umverteilung. Wenn die ursprüngliche Bevölkerung (vor Migrationsbewegungen) in Land A im Durchschnitt heimatverbundener als die in Land B ist, reagiert sie weniger elastisch auf den Steuersatz. Im Gleichgewicht führt daher höherer (durchschnittlicher) Patriotismus zu höheren Steuersätzen. Im zweiten Teil überprüfen wir diese Hypothese empirisch, indem wir ISSP-Surveydaten und OECDSteuerdaten zusammenführen. Im Ländervergleich besteht für gleiche relative Einkommen ein positiver Zusammenhang zwischen Patriotismus und Steuerbelastung.

Gefahrenvorstellungen spielen seit jeher eine zentrale Rolle in der Außenpolitik. Dieser Band geht der Bedeutung der Angst für außenpolitische Entscheidungsprozesse anhand von ausgewählten Fallbeispielen in der Neuzeit nach. Nach theoretischen Vorüberlegungen differenziert der erste Themenkomplex die verschiedenen mit Angst verbundenen Emotionen, anschließend steht die Angst als Perzeptionsfaktor im Fokus. Die Instrumentalisierung von Angst wird ebenso in den Blick genommen wie die Angst der Regierenden vor der Angst der Regierten. Abgeschlossen wird der Band durch zwei historische Längsschnitte: Hier werden Angstmotive in den Blick genommen, deren Wirkung sich über mehrere Jahrhunderte erstreckte. Mit seinen vielseitigen Perspektiven gibt der Sammelband neue Impulse für die Untersuchung von Entscheidungsprozessen in den Internationalen Beziehungen und hebt die Notwendigkeit der historischen Analyse von emotionalen Faktoren hervor.

Latest issue consulted: Vol. 42, no. 5/6 (1996) ; Description based on: 1994, 9 ; Beginning in 1996, issues called v. 42, no. 1- ; Issues numbered 1-12 within each year, -1995, 11/12 ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Published: 1955-Oct. 1956, Znanye Pub.; Nov. 1956-July 1963, Soviet Society for the Popularization of Political and Scientific Knowledge; Aug. 1963-Dec. 1964, All-Union Society "Knowledge"; Mar. 1975-Jan. 1977, All-Union Society "Znaniye"; Feb. 1977- All-Union Znaniye Society; Mezhdunarodnai︠a︡ zhiznʹ; Minneapolis, MN : East View Publications, Issued also in French and Russian editions ; UCLA Library - CDL shared resource. ; UPD

This paper explores current contestations of women's rights and the implications thereof for international legislation. While contestation over women's rights is a far from new phenomenon, over the past two decades opposition to gender equality has become better organized at the transnational level, mobilizing a dispersed set of state and non-state actors, and is becoming more successful in halting the progress of women's rights. I argue that the position of oppositional actors vis-à-vis women rights activism appears to be strengthened by two recent political developments: democratic backsliding and the closure of civic space. Some preliminary findings show how these interrelated developments lead to an erosion of women's rights at the national level. Governments use low key tactics to dismantle institutional and implementation arrangements and sideline women's organisations. Next, I explore the implications of these developments for gender equality norms at the national and international level. The active strategy of counter norming adopted by conservative and religious state and non-state actors, designed to circumvent and also undermine Western norms, is increasingly successful. In addition to this, the threatened position of domestic actors monitoring compliance of international treaties, makes the chances of backsliding on international commitments much higher.

Defence date: 17 June 2016 ; Examining Board: Professor Piero Gottardi, EUI, Supervisor; Professor Paola Conconi, Université Libre de Bruxelles; Professor Bernard Hoekman, RSCAS; Professor Thierry Verdier, Paris School of Economics. ; This thesis tackles three topics in international trade: (i) the motives behind restrictions on Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) and the role of investment agreements, (ii) the determinants of services trade policies, and (iii) the role of domestic institutions in affecting trade flows and the gains from trade. Tariffs have almost completely disappeared but various barriers that restrict FDI still remain. Many trade agreements and Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) have been signed to lower tariffs and reduce the risks of expropriation whereas few agreements have been signed to lower entry barriers. The first chapter looks at the interaction between political and economic motives for protectionism. Lobbies give contributions to the governments to affect the policies. The repatriation of profits by foreign affiliates leads governments to restrict the entry of multinationals. Given these two motives, the cooperative outcome, which differs from the chosen policy, can be implemented through an agreement. However I highlight two reasons that can explain why such agreements might be unnecessary. First foreign lobbying counteracts domestic lobbying and, under certain conditions, can push the government to choose the cooperative outcome without signing an agreement. Second the presence of tax havens where firms shift their profits removes the gains from cooperation and makes an agreement unnecessary. The second chapter focuses on the determinants of services trade agreements. Most of the literature on trade policy and agreements has focused on goods, tariffs and trade agreements whereas, in this paper, we study services, foreign direct investment and services agreements. We provide a rationale for governments to commit to liberalize. The third chapter contributes to the debate on the role of various institutions in affecting economic exchanges. We focus here on the role of contract enforcement in shaping the optimal organization of firms and the allocation of entrepreneurs across sectors. Different institutional qualities are a source of comparative advantage and export specialization. We find that liberalization leads to asymmetric gains of trade in terms of productivity and reallocation of resources. The country with the poorest institutions benefits less from trade than the country with the best institutions.

Each session consists of varying number of reports; each report has a distinctive title. ; At head of title: League of Nations, 1919; League of Nations Internal Labour Office, 1920. ; Description based on: 3rd (Oct.-Nov. 1921). ; Reports for 1919-1920 lack session numbering. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; "Reprinted with certain additions from the International labour review."

The concept of anarchy is seen as the cardinal organizing category of the discipline of International Relations (IR), which differentiates it from cognate disciplines such as Political Science or Political Philosophy. This entry provides an analytical review of the scholarly literature on anarchy in IR, on two levels—conceptual and theoretical. First, it distinguishes three senses of the concept of anarchy: (1) lack of a common superior in an interaction domain; (2) chaos or disorder; and (3) horizontal relation between nominally equal entities, sovereign states. The first and the third senses of "anarchy"' are central to IR. Second, it considers three broad families of IR theory where anarchy figures as a focal assumption—(1) realism and neorealism; (2) English School theory (international society approach); and (3) Kant's republican peace. Despite normative and conceptual differences otherwise, all three bodies of theory are ultimately based on Hobbes's argument for a "state of nature." The discussion concludes with a summary of the key challenges to the discourse of international anarchy posed by the methodology of economics and economics-based theories which favor the alternative discourse of global hierarchy.

In this dissertation, I contribute to the thriving empirical literature in international trade by looking specifically at the international fragmentation of production and non-traditional trade costs. In chapter 1, using the new features of global input-output tables, I quantify the impact of the recent changes in foreign input use on the factor content of trade. I found that the changes in the factor content of trade are driven by each country position in the global supply chains. The chapter 2 analyzes the links between political relations and trade in light of the growing interdependency between countries. In this joint work with Julian Hinz, using a new proxy fora negative shock to political relations between countries, we show that the impact of such a negative shock is crucially heterogeneous across traded goods. Finally, in chapter 3 co-authored with Julian Hinz, we introduce a new measure for spoken languages based on Twitter data. We then use this measure to evaluate the effect of changes in language diversity on trade and real income in different locations in Europe. ; La présente thèse contribue au renouveau de la littérature empirique en commerce international en s'intéressant tout particulièrement à la fragmentation internationale de la production et aux coûts au commerce non-traditionnels. Dans le chapitre 1, je quantifie les conséquences de l'évolution de l'utilisation d'inputs étrangers sur le contenu factoriel du commerce en tirant profit des nouvelles caractéristiques des tableaux entrées-sorties mondiaux. Les variations du contenu factoriel du commerce sont conditionnées par la place des pays dans les chaînes de production mondiales. Le chapitre 2 analyse les liens entre les relations diplomatiques et le commerce à la lumière de l'interdépendance croissante entre pays découlant de l'internationalisation des chaînes de production. Conjointement avec Julian Hinz, nous montrons, grâce à une nouvelle mesure d'un choc diplomatique, que l'impact de ce choc sur le commerce dépend crucialement du type ...

In this dissertation, I contribute to the thriving empirical literature in international trade by looking specifically at the international fragmentation of production and non-traditional trade costs. In chapter 1, using the new features of global input-output tables, I quantify the impact of the recent changes in foreign input use on the factor content of trade. I found that the changes in the factor content of trade are driven by each country position in the global supply chains. The chapter 2 analyzes the links between political relations and trade in light of the growing interdependency between countries. In this joint work with Julian Hinz, using a new proxy fora negative shock to political relations between countries, we show that the impact of such a negative shock is crucially heterogeneous across traded goods. Finally, in chapter 3 co-authored with Julian Hinz, we introduce a new measure for spoken languages based on Twitter data. We then use this measure to evaluate the effect of changes in language diversity on trade and real income in different locations in Europe. ; La présente thèse contribue au renouveau de la littérature empirique en commerce international en s'intéressant tout particulièrement à la fragmentation internationale de la production et aux coûts au commerce non-traditionnels. Dans le chapitre 1, je quantifie les conséquences de l'évolution de l'utilisation d'inputs étrangers sur le contenu factoriel du commerce en tirant profit des nouvelles caractéristiques des tableaux entrées-sorties mondiaux. Les variations du contenu factoriel du commerce sont conditionnées par la place des pays dans les chaînes de production mondiales. Le chapitre 2 analyse les liens entre les relations diplomatiques et le commerce à la lumière de l'interdépendance croissante entre pays découlant de l'internationalisation des chaînes de production. Conjointement avec Julian Hinz, nous montrons, grâce à une nouvelle mesure d'un choc diplomatique, que l'impact de ce choc sur le commerce dépend crucialement du type ...

In this dissertation, I contribute to the thriving empirical literature in international trade by looking specifically at the international fragmentation of production and non-traditional trade costs. In chapter 1, using the new features of global input-output tables, I quantify the impact of the recent changes in foreign input use on the factor content of trade. I found that the changes in the factor content of trade are driven by each country position in the global supply chains. The chapter 2 analyzes the links between political relations and trade in light of the growing interdependency between countries. In this joint work with Julian Hinz, using a new proxy fora negative shock to political relations between countries, we show that the impact of such a negative shock is crucially heterogeneous across traded goods. Finally, in chapter 3 co-authored with Julian Hinz, we introduce a new measure for spoken languages based on Twitter data. We then use this measure to evaluate the effect of changes in language diversity on trade and real income in different locations in Europe. ; La présente thèse contribue au renouveau de la littérature empirique en commerce international en s'intéressant tout particulièrement à la fragmentation internationale de la production et aux coûts au commerce non-traditionnels. Dans le chapitre 1, je quantifie les conséquences de l'évolution de l'utilisation d'inputs étrangers sur le contenu factoriel du commerce en tirant profit des nouvelles caractéristiques des tableaux entrées-sorties mondiaux. Les variations du contenu factoriel du commerce sont conditionnées par la place des pays dans les chaînes de production mondiales. Le chapitre 2 analyse les liens entre les relations diplomatiques et le commerce à la lumière de l'interdépendance croissante entre pays découlant de l'internationalisation des chaînes de production. Conjointement avec Julian Hinz, nous montrons, grâce à une nouvelle mesure d'un choc diplomatique, que l'impact de ce choc sur le commerce dépend crucialement du type de bien considéré. Enfin, dans le chapitre 3 co-écrit avec Julian Hinz, nous introduisons une nouvelle mesure empirique des langues parlées à l'aide des données de Twitter. Nous l'utilisons ensuite pour évaluer l'incidence de la diversité des langues sur le commerce et le revenu réel en Europe.

What are the conditions for a well-functioning currency union? Since the 1960s', there has been a long stream of literature dedicated to this question. Through studying the historical fixed exchange rate regime of the Gold Standard (chapter 2) and the modern day euro area (chapters 3 and 4), this thesis aims to add to the understanding of the economics of currency unions. Chapter 2 "When Do Fixed Exchange Rate Work? Evidence from the Gold Standard" examines external adjustments within a currency union. In particular, my co-author Felix Ward and I look at the historical circumstances of a fixed exchange rate regime that worked smoothly – the 1880-1913 Gold Standard. External adjustment under the Gold Standard was associated with few if any, output costs. How did countries on the Gold Standard equilibrate so smoothly despite inflexible exchange rates that were pegged to gold? To answer this question, we build and estimate an open economy model of the Gold Standard. This allows us to quantitatively assess the relative importance of three prominent channels of external adjustment: flexible prices, international migration, and monetary policy. Our first finding is that the output resilience of Gold Standard members was primarily a consequence of flexible prices. When hit by a shock, quickly adjusting prices induced import- and export responses that stabilized output. Neither restrictions on migration, nor the elimination of countercyclical monetary policy would have given rise to substantially higher output-volatility. Our second finding is that price flexibility was predicated on a historical contingency: namely large primary sectors, whose flexibly priced products dominated the export booms that stabilized output during major external adjustments. Chapter 3 "Sovereign Default Risk and the Role of International Transfers" asks what is the impact of interregional risk sharing arrangements when countries are afflicted with sovereign default risk. This is of particular interest in the setup of currency unions, where countries give up the exchange rate as a tool for business cycle stabilization. I introduce a sovereign default model in which regional sovereign default risk affects private sector financing costs and the linkage between public and private sector financing costs can exacerbate economic downturns. In this context, the benefit of international risk sharing comes in two dimensions. First, it helps to smooth consumption – the traditional channel of insurance. More importantly, by ameliorating large recessions, international risk sharing reduces the asymmetric impact of productivity shocks and raises average output level. Quantitative analysis shows that most of the welfare benefits that are obtainable from the optimal risk sharing arrangement can be reaped by a standby facility that is easy to implement. This finding is of policy relevance because whenever interregional risk sharing schemes are discussed between sovereign nation states, the willingness to part with fiscal autonomy is often severely limited. In Chapter 4 "Sovereign Risk Spillover and Monetary Policy in a Currency Union", I investigate the pass-through of sovereign default risk to the private sector financing condition from a different angle. In particular, I use a two-region currency union model to examine how the spillover affects shock propagation and optimal monetary policy. On the one hand, an increase in a region's sovereign risk premium raises the regional private sector credit spread, depresses inflation and tax revenue and further worsens the fiscal position. On the other hand, it also triggers changes in the policy interest rate. The net impact depends on the maturity of the government debt. When calibrated to the euro area and taken into account the average long maturity of government debt, the impact of the sovereign risk spillover on shock propagation is negligible. This is also reflected in optimal monetary policy. For the euro area, optimal monetary policy is well approximated by a simple target criterion that describes the optimal relation between output and inflation as derived from a basic New Keynesian model without sovereign risk and credit spreads. This continues to be the case even when there are cross-regional differences in their exposure to sovereign default risks. If government debts are short-term, however, the spillover considerably affects shock transmission and optimal monetary policy requires a stronger immediate shock-response.

The article explores the main mechanisms of the maintenance of international order in a contemporary system of international relations. Within the system of international relations an order status is maintained by mechanisms of two types: organized and elemental. In this context, the mechanisms for maintaining order can be divided according to not only the degree of organization but also the content. From this perspective, the following mechanisms of international order were distinguished: institutional, regulatory-legal, economic, political-military, cultural, ideological and informational. International order is the sum of certain rules and principles established by all countries; those that they observe are built on the interaction of different factors. ; The article explores the main mechanisms of the maintenance of international order in a contemporary system of international relations. Within the system of international relations an order status is maintained by mechanisms of two types: organized and elemental. In this context, the mechanisms for maintaining order can be divided according to not only the degree of organization but also the content. From this perspective, the following mechanisms of international order were distinguished: institutional, regulatory-legal, economic, political-military, cultural, ideological and informational. International order is the sum of certain rules and principles established by all countries; those that they observe are built on the interaction of different factors.

The article explores the main mechanisms of the maintenance of international order in a contemporary system of international relations. Within the system of international relations an order status is maintained by mechanisms of two types: organized and elemental. In this context, the mechanisms for maintaining order can be divided according to not only the degree of organization but also the content. From this perspective, the following mechanisms of international order were distinguished: institutional, regulatory-legal, economic, political-military, cultural, ideological and informational. International order is the sum of certain rules and principles established by all countries; those that they observe are built on the interaction of different factors. ; The article explores the main mechanisms of the maintenance of international order in a contemporary system of international relations. Within the system of international relations an order status is maintained by mechanisms of two types: organized and elemental. In this context, the mechanisms for maintaining order can be divided according to not only the degree of organization but also the content. From this perspective, the following mechanisms of international order were distinguished: institutional, regulatory-legal, economic, political-military, cultural, ideological and informational. International order is the sum of certain rules and principles established by all countries; those that they observe are built on the interaction of different factors.

Internationale Politieke Economie (IPE) is een nieuw vakgebied dat een zekere integratie voorstaat van Internationale Betrekkingen, Internationale Economische Betrekkingen, Politicologie en Bestuurskunde. Het is een terrein dat zich goed leent om de wisselwerking van verschijnselen op subnationaal, nationaal en internationaal niveau te analyseren. Dit artikel geeft een oeverzicht van de recente ontwikkelingen op dit vakgebied en signaleert de mogelijkheden en beperkingen van IPE.

The thrust of this Paper is to analyse the transformation of international custom construction and creation from the model of state practice supported by opinio iuris to a new concept reflected in the judicial decision of the international criminal tribunals, with the main emphasis being on the case law of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The following questions are examined in analysing the interpretation, application, and in some instances, also the creation of customary international norms: from which sources do the judges look for evidence of customary international law? Is the requisite of actual state practice diminishing? What is the significance of international treaties, reports of international committees, and international case-law as sources of custom? Does the case law of the tribunals show that the role of the judge is more prevalent than traditionally in the formation of customary international law, at least in the area of international criminal law? The first part of the paper offers an analysis of customary law in the International Military Tribunal of Nuremberg, which, along with many post-Second World War legal instruments, case law, and academic commentary, has contributed to and clarified the content of customary norms in international criminal law. The second part reviews the decisions of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in relation to the concept, formation, and context of customary norms. In addition, the aim is to examine if the approach of the Tribunal on the construction of customary norms has changed during its period of functioning. The role of the judge in construction and in some instances, creation of customary international norms is discussed with references to the judicial decisions of the Yugoslavia Tribunal. I conclude that the dynamic approach adopted by judges in the construction of customary law in some cases of the Yugoslavia Tribunal is not unprecedented in the decisions of international courts. The third part discusses the problem of conflicting norms that may arise in the application and construction of customary criminal norms in international criminal tribunals. First, I conduct a limited conceptual and historical analysis of the principles of legality, the nullum crimen sine lege and the nulla poena sine lege principles, and I attempt to answer the substantive issues: how can the principles of legality be retained in the application of customary international norms by the international judge, and whether the progressive formation of custom (moving away from the requirement of 'constant and uniform state practice' supported by opinio iuris) destabilises legal certainty, which should be especially endorsed when an individual's (here meaning the accused) freedom is at issue? The final dilemma in relation to conflicting norms is that of deducing international criminal norms that give rise to individual criminal responsibility directly from treaties that were intended to be applied between the state parties. I conclude this paper by stating that the judges not only interpret, but also have an impact on the formation of customary international law because their decisions can be seen as evidence of (international) practice or as a reflection of opinio juris. Finally, this paper shows that there is a definite need for greater consistency in the formation of customary international norms in international criminal tribunals.