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This paper aims at defining the concept of "geopolitical space of the geopolitics of the Sea" and it analyses the way it is constructed. Given that the notion of geopolitical space in the general sense has been largely neglected in contemporary geopolitical theory, this is not a simple task. The paper deals with a physical space of the World Sea and utilizes the theory of modern human geography in which space is understood as a product of human activity. We argue that there is a significant connection between geopolitics of the Sea and the academic discipline of the International Law of the Sea. This link is taken as the basis for the discussion regarding geopolitical space, which encompasses three teleological elements: the fulfillment of the paper's main objective; the argument regarding the connection of Geopolitics of the Sea with the International Law; and, finally, presenting the political science context of the codification of the modern International Law of the Sea. By using earlier studies, the paper analyses the geopolitical space through ideas of construction within dichotomy, as well as through the process of establishing a community within the international framework. The paper also offers our own theory according to which the geopolitical space is the space of manifestation of geopolitical phenomena. ; Temeljni je cilj rada prikazati na koji način nastaje i šta zapravo jeste "geopolitički prostor geopolitike mora". Argumentacija nije bila jednostavna jer je geopolitički prostor kao pojam u općem smislu zanemaren u recentnoj geopolitičkoj teoriji. U diskusiji smo se bavili fizičkim prostorom Svjetskog mora te koristili teorijom suvremene humanističke geografije u kojoj je prostor proizvod društvene djelatnosti. Iznijeli smo stav da je geopolitika mora posebno disciplinarno povezana s međunarodnim pravom mora. To smo, dalje, iskoristili kao poligon za raspravu o geopolitičkom prostoru, i to s tri teleološka elementa: ispunjenje osnovnog cilja rada; argumentacija veze s pravom; te prikaz politološkog konteksta procesa kodifikacije suvremenog međunarodnog prava mora. Geopolitički prostor smo ispitali kroz postojeće ideje konstrukcije unutar dihotomije, te pri uspostavi zajednice u međunarodnom okviru. Ponudili smo i vlastitu teoriju po kojoj je geopolitički prostor prostor manifestacije geopolitičkih fenomena.

The military is generally considered to act as a professional when it comes to retreating forces from military battleground or international conflict areas. At the same time recent national experiences with the withdrawal of national troops from international peacekeeping operations are filled with disappointments and crises. In this article the authors question the idea that these disappointments and crises are simply due to problems of reduced military competence or military morale. They argue that the military is still the alleged expert who knows how to perform military retreats and other military actions. At the same time they show that network-like decision-making structures that are inherent to the deployment of troops in international peacekeeping missions, have become a major obstacle for the military to act in its own right. The lessons that government can learn from the military experience are firstly, that decisions for national public cutbacks should be accompanied by a more in-depth (re)consideration of public (key) tasks than up to now was considered appropriate, and secondly, that more trust should be shown in the skills, knowledge and motivation of professionals to delineate and constrain the boundaries of their own fields of expertise.

Como respuesta al conflicto armado que se ha desarrollado en Libia a lo largo de 2011, la UE ha ejecutado las sanciones decididas por el Consejo de Seguridad que no implican el uso de la fuerza, ha destinado más de 150 millones de euros de ayuda humanitaria a la región, ha puesto en marcha la operación FRONTEX "EPN Hermes Extensión 2011", y ha proyectado una operación militar de apoyo a la asistencia humanitaria, la EUFOR Libia, que nunca se ha desplegado. En una perspectiva más general, las revueltas populares que se han sucedido en varios Estados del sur del Mediterráneo, entre ellos Libia, en el que se ha desembocado en una guerra civil, han certificado el fracaso de la política exterior de la UE en esta región. En efecto, durante la última década la política euromediterránea de la UE ha estado mucho más centrada en la cooperación económica y comercial —sobre todo en el campo energético— y en el control de la inmigración irregular, que en el escrupuloso respeto del ordenamiento internacional y la promoción de la democracia, el Estado de derecho y el respecto de los derechos humanos, así como el desarrollo económico y social de la población de los Estados del sur del Mediterráneo. ; As a response to the armed conflict occurred in Libya during year 2011, the EU has applied those Security Council sanctions not involving the use of force. Likewise, the EU has allocated more than E 150 million to humanitarian assistance in the region having implemented Frontex Operation «EPN Hermes Extension 2011» as well and having designed a military operation in support of humanitarian assistance there —the so-called EUFOR Libya, never deployed before. From a more general perspective, people's uprisings in several Southern Mediterranean States —which in the Libyan case has led to a civil war— have proved the failure of EU's foreign policy in the region. In fact, EU's Euro-Mediterranean Policy in the last decade has been mainly focused on financial and trade cooperation (especially in the energy field) and on irregular migration control, to the detriment of the full respect for International Law, and the promotion of democracy, the rule of Law and the respect for human rights, and the economic and social development of the peoples in Southern Mediterranean States. ; Trabajo elaborado en el marco del proyecto de investigación coordinado, concedido por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, "La Política Mediterránea de la Unión Europea en perspectiva: el proceso de Barcelona, la Unión para el Mediterráneo y los intereses españoles" (DER2009-14238-C02-01).

Les universitats europees tenen la responsabilitat i estan compromeses en la construcció de l'Europa i la Societat del Coneixement. La creació de l'espai europeu d'educació superior (EEES) suposa tenir en compte les iniciatives dels governs i implica desenvolupar processos de reorganització i transformació de la intervenció socioeducativa. L'experiència interuniversitària és la primera d'un procés d'innovació docent que hom pretén implementar en successius cursos . El principal objectiu era motivat per l'oportunitat d'experimentar una aplicació de social networking, adquirint competències de l'educador social en la construcció del coneixement a través de la discussió en xarxa, utilitzant estratègies socioconstructivistes. ; Las universidades europeas tienen la responsabilidad y están comprometidas en laconstrucción de la Europa y la Sociedad del Conocimiento. La creación del espacio europeo de educación superior (EEES) supone tener en cuenta las iniciativas de los gobiernos e implica desarrollar procesos de reorganización y transformación de la intervención socioeducativa. La experiencia inter-universitaria es la primera de un proceso de innovación docente que se pretende implementar en sucesivos cursos. El principal objetivo estaba motivado por la oportunidad de experimentar una aplicación de social networking, adquiriendo competencias del educador social en la construcción del conocimiento a través de la discusión en red, utilizando estrategias socioconstructivistas. ; European universities are responsible for, and committed to, making Europe a knowledge-based society. The creation of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) involves taking into account initiatives from the government, and developing procedures for reorganising and transforming social-education methods. The inter-university experience is the first in an innovative teaching process that is to be implemented in succeeding academic years. The main aim is based on the opportunity to try out a social networking application by acquiring the skills of a social educator in building knowledge through on-line discussions, using social constructivism strategies.

Klep, Christ, Somalië, Rwanda, Srebrenica. De nasleep van drie ontspoorde vredesmissies (Dissertatie Utrecht 2008; Amsterdam: Boom, 2008, 385 blz., ISBN 978 90 8506 668 2)When the Home Front meets Foreign Parts. The Aftermath of Commissions of Inquiry into derailed Peace MissionsPeace Missions take place in difficult and volatile circumstances. It is therefore hardly surprising that some peace missions become 'derailed'. Christ Klep zooms in on three 'derailed' missions in his book and focuses on the value of Commissions of Inquiry which are subsequently set up as a result of public and political pressure. Do they succeed in revealing the 'how' and the 'why' of such derailments and – above all – identifying those who are responsible? Based on a broad spectrum of questions and extensive source materials, Klep concludes that 'the number of escape routes from the labyrinth of responsibility is practically infinite'; a clear message for all those taking part in international and domestic politics. It is here that the author skillfully and expertly succeeds: exposing the complex entanglement of domestic and foreign policy, even concerning events that sometimes happen away from the capital city.

Klep, Christ, Somalië, Rwanda, Srebrenica. De nasleep van drie ontspoorde vredesmissies (Dissertatie Utrecht 2008; Amsterdam: Boom, 2008, 385 blz., ISBN 978 90 8506 668 2).ResponseThe validity of my comparative approach (Somalia-Rwanda-Srebrenica) still stands, in my opinion. At the level of political responsibility and the process of coming to terms with events, the similarities are stronger than the differences. My estimation that the Inquiry reports were 'hijacked' by almost all of the stakeholders involved (especially the Canadian, Belgian and Dutch governments) is more of a matter of fact and a political reality than a reproach that ought to have legal implications. Finally, the question of how far the three governments that were involved learned lessons from the three affairs is difficult to answer. Was it not also the wider developments (for example, the switch from the 'blue' missions to the more robust 'green' missions) that compelled the lessons to be drawn out?

The subject of this study is the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the Security Council in the period 1946 2000. Because of their right of veto the cooperation of the permanent members has a significant influence on the functioning of the Council. The most important aspects of the cooperation that were investigated are the intensity of the cooperation and the ef-fectiveness of this cooperation in preventing and ending wars. To investigate these aspects, for both the intensity and the effectiveness measuring instruments were constructed. These measuring instruments were based on comprehensive sets of so-called 'leading indicators' and statistical methods and techniques. The intensity of the cooperation increased gradually from 1946 until 1990 (the end of the Cold War). Then it started to increase rapidly until 1996. From 1996 a slight decrease can be discer-ned. The strong increase in the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the security Council can be established in all the majors forms of cooperation in the Council: the numbers of adopted strategic resolutions and presidential statements, the numbers of employed means (like peacekeeping missions and enforcement actions) and the amounts of money that were spent on peacekeeping activities. Further it was established that the response times of the Council regarding potential and waged wars dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War. The effectiveness of the cooperation of the permanent members in the Council was, insofar this was measurable with the applied method, not good for many years, but after the Cold War a clear improvement can be discerned. This goes for the prevention of wars, as well as for post war peacebuilding and the ending of wars. Also the numbers of potential and waged wars in which the Council not intervened dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War, as well as the use of vetoes. The large number of potential and waged wars in which the Council did not intervene during the Cold War was nearly exclusively caused by 'non decisions' (the non placing of wars on the agenda), and not by the use of vetoes by permanent members, as is often assumed in literature. Further, a comparison of two phase classifications of the Cold War showed that the great powers, even when there are great tensions among them, are prepared to cooperate in the Security Council to resolve strategic matters, if they consider this in their interest. Analyses of the adopted strategic resolutions during the Cold War revealed that cooperation here was nearly exclusively limited to issues that were not core issues of the Cold War. From this it can be concluded that cooperation against third party states was a basis of cooperation of the great powers in the Security Council. Finally, the results of this study show clearly that the Security Council was regarded and used to a large extent by the permanent members in the period 1946 2000 as an instrument of foreign policy to pursue their national interests, and not as an instrument of the world community to prevent and end wars.

L'aparició de la Direcliva Europea de lliure circulació de treballadors és el punt de partida per la que l'Oficina Europea de l'AJEJI decideixi contactar i emplaçar al món professional europeu a realitzar un treball conjunt a partir de dues trobades es construeix una part del que s'anomena la Plalaforma Comuna de la professió. Aquest primer treball serveix de base per consruir; amb les aportacions dels altres continents presents en l'Associació internacional allò que s'anomena el Marc Conceptual de les funcions i competencies dels educadors socials a escala internacional. Els reptes de futur passen per construir el cos teòric de la professió des dels professionals i donar visibilitat al treball socioeducatiu aprofitant els canals administratius i burocràctics de la Unió Europea. ; La aparición de la Directiva Europea de libre circulación de trabajadores es el punto de partida para que la Oficina Europea de la AJEJI decida contactar y emplazar al mundo profesional europeo a realizar un trabajo conjunto. A partir de dos encuentros se construye una parte de lo que se denomina la Plataforma Común de la profesión. Este primer trabajo sirve de base para construir, con las aportaciones de los otros continentes presentes en la Asociación Internacional lo que se denomina el Marco Conceptual de las funciones y competencias de los educadores sociales a escala internacional. Los retos de futuro pasan por construir el cuerpo teórico de la profesión desde los profesionales y dar visibilidad al trabajo socioeducativo aprovechando los canales administraticos y burocráticos de la Unión Europea. ; The appearance of the European Directive on free movement of workers was the starting point for when the European Office of the AIEJI decided to contact and cali upon the professionals in Europe to carry out a joint project. After two meetings a part of what is caused the Common Platfom for the profession was constructed. This first project is the basis for building the Conceptual Framework of the Functions and Competences of Social Educators. on an international scale and wtlh contributions from the other continents present in the international Associalion. Future challenges include establishing a theoretical body for the profession by professionals and to promote the work of social education by making use of adminislralive and bureaucratic channels of the European Union.

'Will the Netherlands be defended?' The debate about NATO's main lines of defence at the beginning of the 1950sAt the beginning of the 1950s, the Netherlands would not have been able to defend itself in the event of a Soviet attack. Despite the fact that NATO, under the leadership of the Supreme Allied Commander Europe, General Eisenhower, and later General Ridgway, was in the process of rapidly building up its defences, it was still incapable of conducting a forward defence. The pivotal political and military issue in the short term centred on one question: Which areas in Western Europe could and should be kept and which not? Answers to this question exposed conflicting national interests and points of view, particularly those of the Dutch and the French. As it was taking a considerably long time to build up the Netherlands' defences, the Dutch government had very few trump cards to add weight to its demands. Indeed, in the summer of 1952, when Parliament asked to be given a precise account of how the Dutch defences were progressing, the government was practically boxed into a corner.

El terreny de l'activisme en els mitjans de comunicació avui s'associa a internet; s'ha construït sobretot per mitjà de xarxes o plataformes en línia i, a poc a poc, va transformant la manera d'imaginar, experimentar i organitzar l'acció política. Aquest article explora els efectes que tenen les creences i frustracions relacionades amb internet sobre les formes contemporànies d'acció política. Partint del context etnogràfic en què se situen les campanyes de solidaritat internacional i els sindicats britànics, el treball proposa que la relació que mantenen els activistes amb les tecnologies d'internet és complexa i s'insereix en una doble tensió entre l'apoderament i la frustració. Tal com sosté l'article, és mitjançant una exploració etnogràfica d'aquesta tensió que els especialistes poden arribar a entendre més bé els conflictes permanents i les negociacions socials creats arran de les transformacions tecnològico-històriques dels últims quinze anys. ; The terrain of media activism today has become an internet connected one; one that is primarily constructed through online networks or platforms; one that is gradually transforming the way in which political action is imagined, experienced and organised. The following article explores the effects of internet related beliefs and frustrations on contemporary forms of political action. Drawing from the ethnographic context of international solidarity campaigns and the trade unions in Britain, the paper argues that activists' relationship to internet technologies is a complex one, which is embedded in a double tension of empowerment and frustration. It is by ethnographically exploring this tension, the paper contends, that scholars can gain important insights on the ongoing social conflicts and negotiations created by the techno-historical transformations of the last fifteen years. ; El terreno del activismo en los medios de comunicación hoy se asocia a internet; se ha construido sobre todo por medio de redes o plataformas en línea y, poco a poco, va transformando la forma de imaginar, experimentar y organizar la acción política. Este artículo explora los efectos que tienen las creencias y frustraciones relacionadas con internet sobre las formas contemporáneas de acción política. Partiendo del contexto etnográfico en el que se sitúan las campañas de solidaridad internacional y los sindicatos británicos, el trabajo propone que la relación que mantienen los activistas con las tecnologías de internet es compleja y se inserta en una doble tensión entre empoderamiento y frustración. Tal como sostiene el artículo, es mediante una exploración etnográfica de esta tensión que los especialistas pueden llegar a entender mejor los conflictos permanentes y las negociaciones sociales creados a raíz de las transformaciones tecnológico-históricas de los últimos quince años.

The central question of this dissertation is what role national identity has played in the interdepartmental policy field of international cultural policy (ICP) in the Netherlands between 1970 and 2012. In four chapters I analyse the history of ICP and the related political debate, using a theoretical framework consisting of the main concepts of a Discourse Historic Analysis (critique, ideology, and power), and tensions within the discourses on ICP and national identity. The role of national identity in the first period (1970-1986) is characterized as 'cultural nationalism'. Culture plays an important role in distinguishing the nation state from the rest of the world, and due to the decreasing autonomy in the field of economics and politics culture is considered (by some) to be the last bearer of the national identity. The debates focus on the question whether or not the government has a role in (actively) protecting that identity. The publication of the report "Culture without borders" by the Scientific Council for Government Policy marks the beginning of the second period (1987-1996). Gradually the primacy of the policy shifts from foreign to cultural policy, and attempts are made to combine within ICP the growing cultural diversity of the Dutch society with the uniting role of a national identity. Therefore the role of national identity is characterized as 'multiculturalism'. Extra funding for international cultural activities in 1997 marks the beginning of the third period (1997-2006), in which the role of national identity is characterized as 'cultural relativism'. The relationship between culture and the nation becomes more loose, and cultural activities abroad no longer seem to represent the nation's identity. This approach in ICP contrasts strongly with the growing discontent and heated public and political debate on national identity. Characteristic for the fourth period (2007-2012) is the return to the primacy of foreign policy and the focus on diplomatic and economic goals. Culture is treated as a ...

Centenars de científics i polítics de tot el món han participat, del 26 al 28 de maig, en el Primer Congrés Internacional GENNESYS de Nanotecnologia i Infraestructures de Recerca. Es tracta del primer esdeveniment a nivell internacional sobre aquest camp, que serà clau en el futur per a la recerca científica d'alt nivell i per al desenvolupament d'innovacions industrials. El congrés, que ha tingut lloc en el Centre de Convencions Internacional de Barcelona, ha estat organitzat pel Parc de Recerca UAB, l'Institut de Ciència de Materials de Barcelona, l'International Iberian Nanotechnology Laboratory i el Deutsches Elektronen-Synchroton DESY. ; From 26 to 28 May, hundreds of scientists and politicians around the world have participated at the First International GENNESYS Congress of Nanotechnology and Infrastructure Research. This is the first international event on the field, which will be key in the future for high- level scientific research and development of industrial innovation. The conference, hold in Barcelona International Convention Center, has been organized by the UAB Research Park, the Institute of Materials Science of Barcelona, the International Iberian Nanotechnology Laboratory and the Deutsches Elektronen-Synchroton DESY.

Grandson, son and father of architects, renowned professor and honoured urban planner, Manuel Ribas Piera was the foremost promoter of international relations at the Barcelona School of Architecture, inviting the best known architects of the time (such as Stirling, Kleihues and Aymonino), and co-founder, with Giancarlo de Carlo, of the ILAUD programme (International Laboratory of Architecture and Urban Design). He set up the pioneering landscape architecture studies in Catalunya, now an international point of reference. His overt cosmopolitanism went hand in hand with a staunch commitment to the city of Barcelona, at metropolitan and local level, as shown by plans for Bellvitge and El Carmel, and his openly voiced disagreement with some political decisions. For all of these reasons, we thank him posthumously for his great skill, his friendship, his culture, his generosity, his tenacity and his example. ; Peer Reviewed

Grandson, son and father of architects, renowned professor and honoured urban planner, Manuel Ribas Piera was the foremost promoter of international relations at the Barcelona School of Architecture, inviting the best known architects of the time (such as Stirling, Kleihues and Aymonino), and co-founder, with Giancarlo de Carlo, of the ILAUD programme (International Laboratory of Architecture and Urban Design). He set up the pioneering landscape architecture studies in Catalunya, now an international point of reference. His overt cosmopolitanism went hand in hand with a staunch commitment to the city of Barcelona, at metropolitan and local level, as shown by plans for Bellvitge and El Carmel, and his openly voiced disagreement with some political decisions. For all of these reasons, we thank him posthumously for his great skill, his friendship, his culture, his generosity, his tenacity and his example. ; Peer Reviewed

Una de las consecuencias de la creciente movilidad de los ciudadanos en la Unión Europea es el aumento exponencial de sucesiones que presentan una dimensión internacional. La sucesión de estos nacionales de la Unión se plantea cuanto menos compleja, debido a la disparidad legislativa existente en materia de sucesiones y la inseguridad jurídica que provoca la multiplicidad de regímenes jurídicos en el ámbito del Derecho internacional privado de sucesiones en la Unión Europea. El nuevo Reglamento de sucesiones permitirá disponer de un sistema uniforme para determinarla competencia judicial, la ley aplicable y el reconocimiento y ejecución de resoluciones en materia sucesoria en el ámbito de la Unión Europea. El objeto de este trabajo es reflexionar sobre las consecuencias de la aplicación del sistema unitario que plantea el Reglamento en materia de sucesiones internacionales y, en particular, en relación a la ley aplicable, su incidencia en la figura del reenvío, las ventajas e inconvenientes que aporta y sus consecuencias en los sistemas nacionales de Derecho internacional privado de los Estados miembros. ; One of the consequences of the increasing mobility of citizens within the European Union is the exponential increase of international successions. The succession of these EU citizens appears complex because of the disparity of the existing legislation concerning successions and the legal uncertainty caused by the multiplicity of legal regimes in the field of Private international law on succession in the European Union Member States. The adoption of the new Regulation on successions in the European Union provides a uniform system for determining the jurisdiction, the applicable law and the recognition and enforcement of judgments in matters of succession at the European Union level. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the consequences of the application of the unitary system proposed in the Regulation for international successions, especially in relation to the applicable law, their impact in the institution of renvoi, their advantages and disadvantages and their consequences on the national systems of Private international law of the EU Member States.