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Plant variety protection is a relatively new concept for many Indonesians. It was developed because of the patent regime's failure to provide appropriate protection for new plant varieties. This new sui generis legislation for the protection of plant varieties was enacted in response to Article 27.3(b) of the TRIPS Agreement, which requires WTO Members to provide an effective sui generis law for the protection of new plant varieties. This paper analyses the current state of plant variety protection in Indonesia. It covers the threshold of protection, the subject, scope, right and obligation of breeders, exceptions to infringement, farmers' rights and local varieties. It also analyses the current policy to revise the Plant Variety Protection Act and the underlying reasons for this, including Indonesia's national interest and its international and bilateral commitments. The main focus of the paper explores why such policy is not broadly compatible with the Indonesian agricultural tradition of seed sharing. Accordingly, this paper explores the tradition of seed sharing in Indonesian culture known as adat. In addition, it explores the likely implication of such protection for national agricultural innovation.

This study aims to determine the reaction of foreign ownership on the Indonesia Stock Exchange to the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). This study will examine the reaction of foreign ownership on the Indonesia Stock Exchange during the periods 2007-2010 and 2012-2015. The variables used in this study are IFRS and foreign ownership. It finds that the obligation of IFRS does not affect the development of foreign investment in Indonesia, because accounting standards in Indonesia have been adjusted to IFRS since 2008 and investment decisions are not only influenced by standard accounting policies, but also by other factors, such as the economic and political conditions of a country. This study is motivated by the results of previous studies regarding the reaction of foreign ownership of IFRS adoption, which is still controversial. Some studies suggest that IFRS adoption increases information appeal and can attract foreign investment, while other research states that IFRS adoption will not necessarily increase the number of shares held by foreign investors.

The existence of ASEAN trully did not comes apart from concerns about the South East Asian Nations which has conflicted, for example like the confrontation between Indonesia and Malaysia, territorial demand between Phillipine and Malaysia on Sabah, also the separation of Singapore from the Malaysian Federation. From those backgrounds, the South East Asian Nations especially Indonesia and Malaysia which recently conflicted, realizes the needs to form a cooperation to reduce tension, to construct confidence building and pushing regional cooperation growth which felt have no progress after each nations receive its independence. 8 August 1967 is the first ASEAN formation spearheaded by five Ministers of Foreign Affair from Indonesia, Phillipine, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand, which resulted in the signation of ASEAN Declaration or known as The Bangkok Declaration and it also means ASEAN is formally created. One of the ASEAN's aim is "to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural growth in South East Asia Nations." Nevertheless, in actualizing ASEAN's growth it is not as easy as turning the palm of a hand, various national interest affected ASEAN's policy. Resulted to outdraw the main aim that have been agreed by the Nations, informal or formal conflict always happened in the middle of goverments effort in reducing conflict. For example, the arrest of KPLP Indonesian Officer by the Malaysian Royal Police, the accusation of Thailand to Malaysia in helping separatism of South Thailand, the dispute of Angkor Temple between Cambodia and Vietnam constituted on how the implementation of ASEAN's agreements are hard to happened. Although, the interesting parts are eventhough conflicts still exist between each Nations but open war which can cause many victims never happens. One of the secret why ASEAN Nations stays solid is the tolerance and togetherness underlied the brotherhood of South East Asia Nations. Which nowadays had been used as a strong reason to build trush building between each member for the advancement of ASEAN nations in the future. Social and cultural approaches through public diplomation, reconsiliation and bridging of kinship always be a reference in problem solutions, relativeness in ASEAN's history had always be an important point for ASEAN's progress until nowadays. Keywords : Cooperation, Kinship And Prospective

Paradiplomacy is still relatively a new phenomenon for government activity in Indonesia. Paradiplomacy refers to the behavior and capacity to engage in foreign relations with foreign parties carried out by 'sub-state' entities, or regional governments / local governments, in the context of their specific interests. The term 'paradiplomacy' was first launched in an academic debate by Basque scientists, Panayotis Soldatos in the 1980s as a combination of the term 'parallel diplomacy' into 'paradiplomacy', which refers to the meaning of 'the foreign policy of non-central governments', according to Aldecoa , Keating and Boyer. Another term that was put forward by Ivo Duchacek (New York, 1990) for this concept is 'micro-diplomacy'. In this work, author explain the paradiplomacy into ten section such as: (1) Introduction; (2) Interaction Transnational and Paradiplomacy; (3) Paradiplomacy in the Indonesian Law Context; (4) Paradiplomacy in the International Law Context; (5) Diplomacy by Local Government; (6) Technical Regulation on the Implementation of Paradiplomacy in Indonesia; (7) International Cooperation by the Special Regional Province of Yogyakarta, Indonesia; (8) The Chronology of International Cooperation by the Local Government in Indonesia; (9) Inputs for the Revision of Indonesian Law on International Cooperation and (10) Epilog.

The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region

The preference of states to use public diplomacy strategy to support the realization of their national interests has become an international phenomenon nowadays. Public diplomacy in the modern era of International Relations turns out to be an instrument for states to exercise their soft power, as well as to convey specific messages intended for the international public. Thus, public diplomacy could be an alternative way for states that had serious barriers in practicing formal diplomacy in conventional ways. Palestine, as an entity whose legal status remains debatable, also utilizes public diplomacy as its strategy to gain support and recognition from the international community. This paper would aim to answer the research question on how Palestine exercises its public diplomacy, particularly digital diplomacy and citizen diplomacy, to gain international recognition for its statehood. By means of the use of social media and the exposure on Palestine's internationally well-known figure, Palestine is building a perception that Palestine itself is a state with no difference with the other states — therefore deserves independence and total sovereignty over its territory. ; The preference of states to use public diplomacy strategy to support the realization of their national interests has become an international phenomenon nowadays. Public diplomacy in the modern era of International Relations turns out to be an instrument for states to exercise their soft power, as well as to convey specific messages intended for the international public. Thus, public diplomacy could be an alternative way for states that had serious barriers in practicing formal diplomacy in conventional ways. Palestine, as an entity whose legal status remains debatable, also utilizes public diplomacy as its strategy to gain support and recognition from the international community. This paper would aim to answer the research question on how Palestine exercises its public diplomacy, particularly digital diplomacy and citizen diplomacy, to gain international recognition for its statehood. By means of the use of social media and the exposure on Palestine's internationally well-known figure, Palestine is building a perception that Palestine itself is a state with no difference with the other states — therefore deserves independence and total sovereignty over its territory

Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.

Food security become very important as food crisis occurred in 2008. Under the administration of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009 to 2014, the crisis due to increase in population in Indonesia encourages increase in food demand. However, to fulfill Indonesia's food demand it still depends on the availability from international market. This research aims to analyze why countries like Indonesia dependent on international markets for food security aspect despite having the capability to achieve fulfillment on food. To analyze the reasons, the concepts of comparative advantage, dependency, and national capabilities will be use to analyze the factors on why nations depend on international market to achieve its food security. Accompanied by a comparison between Indonesia with Vietnam, Malaysia, and United States to see the similarities and differences to achieved food security in the international market. With qualitative research methods and comparison focus on explanative research also using literature studies in data collection. The results of this study finds that Indonesia dependence are influenced by comparative advantage policy of other countries which in this case are Vietnam and Malaysia, the international market system that encourages dependency, and Indonesia inability to maximizing its national capability compared to United States. Keywords: dependency, comparative advantage, national capabilities, Indonesia, food security.