Hong Kong is clearly within the 'One Country' and this is simply no longer an issue. How the 'Two Systems' can survive, and how they should interact, is the riding question. The substance of mutual legal assistance in general, and extradition — or rendition — in particular, in a domestic context is not necessarily different from that in an international context. Such assistance will be the subject of an agreement between two jurisdictions arrived at through a process of negotiation and agreed upon by both parties. There is no inherent substance in any extradition agreement, international or otherwise. The substance is negotiable depending upon necessity and the parties' political will and political skill. No one party should impose its will on the other. The only question is what are the terms that should go into a rendition agreement between Hong Kong and the Mainland? ; published_or_final_version
The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...
Abstract: The year 2019 marks the 5th anniversary of Chinese President Xi Jinping's vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security. This article firstly makes a general summary of the progress made in national decision-making, policy oath and international recognition in the past five years since China put forward the vision of sustainable security.The article will then analyze the current challenges in global security governance. Based on the above information, the way forward for global security governance in the 21st century is discussed. Lastly, the vision of sustainable security is applied to practical issues of international security governance such as climate change and the future prospects of the Korean Peninsula. Additionally, a new security paradigm and specific resolutions for those problems are put forward. Keywords: Sustainable security; Global governance; International security; Climate change; Korean peninsula ; 2019是中国国家主席习近平提出共同、综合、合作、可持续安全观5周年。拙文首先就中国提出可持续安全观5年来,在国家决策、政策宣誓、国际认同方面取得的进展做一概要的总结;然后分析当前全球安全治理方面面临的挑战;在此基础上探讨21世纪全球安全治理的出路,将可持续安全观与气候变化问题、朝鲜半岛前景等国际安全治理的实际问题相结合,创造性地提出新的安全范式及解决问题的具体措施。 【关键词】可持续安全;全球治理;国际安全;气候变化;朝鲜半岛
這項研究的目的旨在探討香港15歲學生在科學素養上的性別差異及這些差異如何影響男女生在選擇以科學作為升學及職業的動機。 ; 本研究的數據取自2006年在本港舉行的香港學生能力國際評估計劃(Programme for International Student Assessment)。該計劃的4645學生樣本取自146所學校,包括:官立、資助及私立學校,以兩階段分層隨機抽樣的方法選取。 ; 學生能力國際評估計劃如其他大型國際評估一樣,其評估框架採用多維試題架構。本研究採用配合該試題架構及樣本結構的多維試題功能(MDIF)及多層中介變項(MLM)兩個研究方法,去了解15歲男女學生在科學素養(認知和情感)上的性別差異及這些差異如何影響男女生在選擇以科學作為升學及職業的動機。比較常用的均差t-檢定,MDIF具備提高各次級量尺的精確度特質,因而可以更有效和準確地計算出男女學生在科學素養上的性別差異。MLM則以Eccles (1983) 的成功期望價值理論為學理基礎去分析和了解這些性別差異如何影響男女生在選取與科學相關的升學途徑和擇業的動機。 ; 要完成MLM的研究,我們必須先使用單組驗證性因子分析(Single-Group CFA)驗證經濟合作與發展組織(OECD)所建構的六項情意因素,包括:「科學上的自我概念」、「科學的個人價值」、「科學的興趣」、「對科學的喜好」、「學習科學的工具性動機」和「將來工作而學習科學的動機」,以便了解使用這些源自西方社會的情意因素在本土研究的可行性及效度。接着使用本土數據去調整這六項情意因素結構。最後利用多組驗證性因子分析(Multiple-Group CFA)去確定這些因素結構對男女生是否都適用(即測量等同檢驗Measurement Invariance Test)。 ; 由單組驗證性因子分析結果得知,六項情意因素,除了要對「科學的興趣」因素作較大幅度的修改外,其他五項因素都具有良好的心理測量特性。而多組驗證性因子分析的結果亦顯示,六項情意因素都能通過測量等同檢驗,亦即這六項因素結構對男女生都適用。 ; 研究結果顯示除了「鑑定形成科學議題」能力外,本港15歲的男生在「解釋科學現象」及「科學證」等科學認知層面上優於女生。在科學情意發展上,男生比女生亦有更好的發展,其效應值(effect size)更高於認知層面。 ; MLM的研究結果與Eccles的成功期望價值理論預測結果吻合,也就是說,男女生在面向未來升學選科和擇業動機上呈現明顯的性別差異,而這些差異主要是透過情意因素(中介變項)間接影響男女生的選擇意向。就這些因素而言,女生在選取科學作為未來升學途徑和職業動機明顯地較男生為弱。 ; 整體而言,驗證性因子分析結果和MLM的研究結果支持源自西方社會的Eccles成功期望價值理論具備跨文化效度,在香港華人社會的研究結果與西方結果基本吻合。 ; 最後,本文作者將根據本研究的結果,向科學教育的工作者、教師、父母、課程發展人員、政策的制定者和考核機構提供一些可行的建議,希望藉此改善香港男女生在科學生涯規劃上的性別差異。 ; The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of gender differences of 15-year-old students on scientific literacy and their impacts on students' motivation to pursue science education and careers (Future-oriented Science Motivation) in Hong Kong. ; The data for this study was collected from the Program for International Student Assessment in Hong Kong (HKPISA). It was carried out in 2006. A total of 4,645 students were randomly selected from 146 secondary schools including government, aided and private schools by two-stage stratified sampling method for the assessment. ; HKPISA 2006, like most of other large-scale international assessments, presents its assessment frameworks in multidimensional subscales. To fulfill the requirements of this ...
中國作為國際證監會組織的成員國,有責任落實國際証監會組織發佈的《金融市場基礎設施原則》。儘管國際貨幣基金組織發表的評分報告肯定中國落實了國際証監會組織提倡的金融規管原則,但事實上該等原則於納入法規後未獲執行。以上的分歧現象引起了對「中國金融規管制度會趨向國際原則」說法的質疑。 ; 本研究的討論重點在於中國金融法規會否跟國際原則趨向相同。本研究以系統化綜述分析國際貨幣基金組織對各國落實《金融市場基礎設施原則》情況的評分報告,並以內容分析法分析傳媒在中國二零一五年「股災」發生前後發表關於金融市場的報導。目的在於顯示中國政府以及金融監管機構在「股災」發生前後,在監管事宜上取態有明顯分別。 ; 本研究根據目的決定論提出中國金融監管趨向於與國際原則分歧。目的決定論、趨同理論以及有限度趨同理論的分別含意及對分歧現象的解釋在本研究中獲審視。根據目的決定論,由於中國金融市場有獨特社會目標,加上中國金融市場需要兼顧中國獨特社會背景,因此中國金融監管制度應該趨向獨特。換而言之,中國金融監管制度不應引入國際原則。目的決定論的論據在於中國政府領導層與金融業監管員在共產黨內有從屬關係。該從屬關係導致監管機構的監管行為被政府俘虜。 ; 根據規制俘虜理論,金融監管機構本來的職能被政府的提出議程取締。根據經濟目標合法性,中國政府的合法性源於其維持經濟發展的能力。因此,中國政府在金融市場的利益在於鞏固其執政合法性,而中國政府要達到以上目的,則需要令金融監管機構配合其經濟政策,修改監管方法及監管重點。最終,監管機構成為推動救市,並且宣揚政府權威形象的主力。 ; 綜觀以上提到中國的獨特金融監管制度,本研究旨在指出制度安排如何影響監管機構對金融業的監管。該等影響關連到中國金融監管制度是否趨向與國際間通用的監管原則同化。 ; Evaluations by International Monetary Fund (IMF) have shown increased implementation of International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO) regulatory principles in China. However, findings show that international regulatory principles have not been practiced in China. Enforcement efforts of the principles remained low in China, and this casts doubts on the claim that Chinese financial regulation would develop towards the convergence of international regulatory principles due to the globalization of regulations. ; This research discusses on whether Chinese financial regulation has adopted international regulatory practices. Systematic review of IMF reports on implementation of IOSCO principles in different countries and content analysis of media reports issued around the happening of the 2015 stock market selloff crisis in China are employed to discover and examine findings. The selloff crisis is selected as a case for studying Chinese financial regulation because government interference in financial market made China's development away from international regulatory principles apparent, and arguments of this research are built on changes in financial regulatory patterns in China. ; This research supports the view of teleological determinism applied by Wilbert ...
The Lancet Countdown is an international collaboration established to provide an independent, global monitoring system dedicated to tracking the emerging health profile of the changing climate. The 2020 report presents 43 indicators across five sections: climate change impacts, exposures, and vulnerabilities; adaptation, planning, and resilience for health; mitigation actions and health co-benefits; economics and finance; and public and political engagement. This report represents the findings and consensus of the 35 leading academic institutions and UN agencies that make up The Lancet Countdown, and draws on the expertise of climate scientists, geographers, engineers, experts in energy, food, and transport, economists, social, and political scientists, data scientists, public health professionals, and doctors.
The paper concentrates on attitudes to the enlargement and the future of EU held by relevant political parties in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia in 2002. With respect to the Czech Republic, three basic approaches to the issue of EU enlargement are identified, thus classifying the Czech political parties as "consistently" pro-European, pro-European "with reservations" and anti-European. It will be argued that in Slovakia the relevant political parties acted as "consistently" pro-European with the exception of the anti-European Slovak National Party (SNS) and the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS). The dividing line was however rather between the parties whose representatives could be viewed by international partners as an obstacle to Slovakia's admission to EU and the parties that were "acceptable" for foreign countries, which played an important role in rallying voters to opt for "acceptable" political subjects. ; The paper concentrates on attitudes to the enlargement and the future of EU held by relevant political parties in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia in 2002. With respect to the Czech Republic, three basic approaches to the issue of EU enlargement are identified, thus classifying the Czech political parties as "consistently" pro-European, pro-European "with reservations" and anti-European. It will be argued that in Slovakia the relevant political parties acted as "consistently" pro-European with the exception of the anti-European Slovak National Party (SNS) and the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS). The dividing line was however rather between the parties whose representatives could be viewed by international partners as an obstacle to Slovakia's admission to EU and the parties that were "acceptable" for foreign countries, which played an important role in rallying voters to opt for "acceptable" political subjects.
by Wong Tze-Kin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 191-199). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.i ; ABSTRACTS --- p.ii ; LIST OF TABLES AND DIAGRAM --- p.ix ; ABBREVIATIONS --- p.x ; Chapter PART ONE: --- APEC AND THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION ; CHAPTER ; Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background: the First APEC Meeting in 1989 --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Thesis Statement --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Propositions of Thesis --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptual Framework --- p.9 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Premises --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- The Political Economy of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.3.3 --- International Cooperation and the Differentiation between Strong Regimes and Weak Regimes --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.3.4 --- "Functions of Regimes: Information, Institutional Nesting and Cross Issues-Linkage" --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Sources of Materials and Organization of the Study --- p.20 ; Chapter II. --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Concepts of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Theories of Cooperation Among States --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Realist Theories --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Neo-Liberal Institutional ism --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Remarks --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Study of APEC --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Objectives of APEC --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Constraints on APEC --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Theoretical Implications of APEC --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.39 ; Chapter PART TWO: --- "INTERDEPENDENCE, INDIVIDUAL VISIONS AND THE BIRTH OF APEC" ; Chapter III. --- THE CREATION OF APEC AND INCENTIVES OF ORIGINAL PLAYERS --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Interdependence and the Development of Non-governmental Organizations in the Asia-Pacific Region --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Historical Development of Non-governmental Organizations --- p.41 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- Problems of Economic Cooperation in the ...
The aim of this article is an analysis of the Iranian policy towards the region of Western Balkans, mainly the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, since the early 1990s until present days. The security and political dimensions of mutual relation between Iran and Bosnia and Herzegovina are examined. This country has been on the focus of Iranian foreign policy for decades. The article maps Iranian political, religious and cultural activities in the country during and after the civil war. One of the main outcomes of the text is the analysis of stagnation, and we might say even fall of Iranian influence in the region caused by changing of the international atmosphere, Iranian regime itself and the decline of Iranian money flow to Bosnia and Herzegovina caused by problematic economic situation in the Islamic Republic suffering the lack of sources.
Lam Kwan Heung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendices in English with some Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii-iv ; Acknowledgement --- p.v ; Table of Contents --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.7-22 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methods --- p.23-35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- An Overview on Hainan --- p.36-46 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Framing of Hainan --- p.47-92 ; Chapter ´Ø --- International law and order ; Chapter ´Ø --- U.S. peacekeeping surveillance ; Chapter ´Ø --- Victimized U.S ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Framing of China --- p.93-125 ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's skewed media ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a problematic communist state ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a secretive military power ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's aggression towards Taiwan ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's buying off U.S. politicians ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion --- p.126-134 ; Bibliography --- p.135-137 ; Appendices --- p.138-182
The role of unilateral and collective sanctions in international has been increasing after\nthe ending of the "Cold War".New regimes of "smart" and "targeted" economic, financial and personal\nsanctions have been developed. Quite a new phenomenon is the impact of sanctions on non-State\nactors. The term "sanctions" is traditionally employed to indicate measures taken by the SC Art. 41 and\n42 of the UN Charter."Sanctions" according to prevailing views differ from the notion "countermeasures"\nas stipulated by the ILC Draft Articles on Responsibility of States.Regional organizations may\ntake sanctions against their own members, if their statute presumes it. Against third states they may\nimpose sanctions legally with authorization of the UNSC. It is controversial whether third states may\nresort to sanctions in case of a violation of obligations erga omnes, if this violation is not of serious\ngravity. The legal content of sanctions stricto sensu remains still to be seriously analyzed, especially\nwith regard to "countermeasures" and the practice of states.
The study of Chinese labour politics has returned to the centre of scholarly interest as China has increasingly become involved in global production and trade. As the incidence of labour dispute and workers' strikes continued to soar, ubiquitous cases of labour rights abuse have been widely reported by international media and academics. The literature of Marxist international political economy has long predicted the insurgency of the Chinese working class resulting from rising inequality, global capital movement and labour division. In contrast, traditional Chinese labour studies are inconclusive as to whether the Chinese working class has gained enough class consciousness to become a cohesive agent for social and political change. This research examines how rising economic, social and political inequalities have impacted on the Chinese working class's agency. The research shifts the focus from top-down structural analysis to workers' agency itself, with an emphasis on their cognitive strength. The research was undertaken via a two-case comparative study of the Chinese working class in four megacities and four smaller cities. Data came mostly from statistics and field interviews. This two-case comparative study concludes that, overall, the Chinese working class had a weak behavioural strength, as manifested by inconsistent wildcat-style strikes, which had no clear political strategies. This research also concludes that the working class's cognitive agency is weak and conservative, as manifested by a weak class identification, their poor understanding of democracy, their low willingness to participate in collective action, and their weak sense of class solidarity. I argue that inequalities and capital movement do not have a simple and unidirectional relationship with the working class's collective agency. On the one hand, inequalities and capital movement can arouse the working class's behavioural strength quickly. On the other hand, workers' cognitive strength is more inert and does not correspond neatly to these two factors. The research findings show that the megacities are more economically developed, with higher inequalities, but with considerably weaker and more conservative working class agency; whereas the smaller cities are less economically developed, with lower inequalities, but with less weak and conservative working class agency. The addition of cognitive strength as a new dimension of working class study provides a pluralist analytical framework for the study of Chinese labour. The new Chinese working class are better educated and more individualised with three main characteristics - occupation-based, precarious, and conservative - which distinguish them from the older generations of workers who had a clear group identification, such as the SOE workers in the 1990s, and the rural migrant workers in the 2000s. These theoretical and empirical findings open up possibilities of new strategies for effective labour organisation that should be considered by labour NGOs, civil society and the government. These players not only need to manage the working class action carefully, but also need to better understand the workers' complex cognitive situations.
China's hyper-speed modernisation process generates complex problems demanding new approaches to designing equitable, integrated, liveable, urban and rural places. The Chinese hinterland city of Chongqing's vast urban and rural area provides rich opportunities for investigating how art and design can help address related liveability and place-making challenges. This research aims to use Sino-Australian co-design to test how participatory urban media (large and small interactive screens, installations, façades, and devices) can act as a dialogic interface between diverse community, industry, and government stakeholders to increase our capacity to manage regional urban place-making problems. Our paper presents three empirical perspectives critically reflecting on a two-day co-design workshop conducted in Chongqing during December 2019 prior to the COVID19 pandemic. Informed by our own observations, and insights contributed by participating urban planners, architects, artists, designers, local government, academics, and students, we take a multi-vocal approach to evaluating the workshop methods, outcomes, and interactions. The unfolding narrative illustrates how transcultural and interdisciplinary co-design processes are entangled in language, local knowledge and traditions, socio-cultural hierarchies, different disciplinary fields and levels of professional status, as well as assumed Western design histories and local understandings of the role of art and design in relation to society. We argue these factors also influence the presentation of knowledge in academic writing about design. This highlights the urgent need for pluriversal modes of co-design, research through design, and scholarship about design which can inclusively impact and respond to the diverse needs of the new international situation and our shared urban futures.
